Democratizing
Education on the Basis of Multiculturalism: International
Experience and Ukrainian Realities.
Tetiana
Klynchenko, Senior researcher, Institute of Political and
Ethno-national Research, National Academy of Sciences
The ethno-political concept of Ukraine as a unitary state
with a multi-ethnic population is the primary rationale
for ensuring that education is informed by a policy of multiculturalism.
The principles of poly-ethnicity and multiculturalism have
been included in Ukraine's laws. The laws passed in the
first years after independence as well as educational documents
have created the legal basis on which education for a multicultural
society has begun to be implemented.
To
make the transition to multiculturalism in education, new
conceptual documents concerning multicultural education,
civic education and improvement of education oriented towards
specific national minorities need to be elaborated. The
former internationalist educational paradigm should be replaced
by the idea of multicultural education based on the idea
of pluralism. Introducing "multiculturalism" into
educational practice requires the approach "all are
different, all are equal."
The
Civic Education Problem.
Oleksandr
Tyahlo, Head of the Department of Philosophy and Political
Science, University of Internal Affairs, Kharkiv.
Post-Soviet
Ukraine is going through a democratic transition. Consequently,
civic education is an urgent issue, for it can facilitate
adaptation to new social conditions and the adoption of
democratic values and norms. The purpose of civic education
is to fill a gap in the socialization process, which has
emerged as a result of the collapse of the communist system
of education.
In
contrast to the communist education system, civic education
cannot be an issue only for parties and the state. Civic
education should be an issue for civil society itself. This
would be ideal since the processes of self-education and
the self-development of civil society would coincide.
The
main objective of civic education is to enable every citizen
to rationally choose his or her own political views, politicians,
social system and place within it. Rational choices can
be made if relevant and accurate information is provided.
In order to make a rational choice in the public sphere,
a citizen should possess information about what the government
is, what the government does, and who comprises the government.
During
the transition period, civic education needs to be further
elaborated to correspond to the values and norms of democracy.
A course on critical thinking is one way of addressing this
issue.
Section 4: Institutions of Governance.
Ukrainian Constitutionalism
on the Threshold of the 21st Century: Problems and Prospects.
Volodymyr
Kampo, Associate Professor, Ukrainian Center of Legal Studies,
Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University, Head of the Association
of Constitutional Law.
This
paper describes contemporary problems of Ukrainian constitutionalism.
It addresses both the theory and practice of realizing the
principle of the supremacy of the 1996 Ukrainian constitution.
In the author's view, Ukraine is in fact a constitutional
state in which the distribution of state power is guaranteed
in different forms, the role of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament)
is quite significant, and legislation is reviewed to ensure
that it does not contradict the constitution, etc. The paper
details constitutionalism in different countries as well
as the historical process of establishing and developing
Ukrainian constitutionalism.
After
the adoption of the constitution in 1996, Ukraine became
a legal state, in which the restriction of state power and
local self-governance is guaranteed in the interests of
citizens and their associations. After introducing new constitutional
institutions (Accounting Chamber, Ombudsmen of the Verkhovna
Rada), Ukraine began to modernize its bodies of state power
and local self-governance. Ukraine's "European choice"
means that the modernization of institutions of power and
self-governance should be based on European standards.
This
paper addresses the following issues: the problems of forming
a parliamentary majority; political responsibility of party
leaders; judicial power as guarantee of citizens' rights;
legal responsibility of state officials for the quality
of presidential decrees; and the rights of these officials
in the event of their retirement, etc.
Ukrainian
Constitution in the Contemporary Context.
Vsevolod
Rechytskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Constitutional
Law, National Law Academy (Kharkiv).
This
article touches on aspects of the philosophy of the constitution
bearing in mind the difficulties the concept "contemporary
context." In the four years since the acceptance of
the Constitution, we can only speak about the extent to
which it measures up to citizens' emotional expectations.
If
we agree that socio-economic growth in society gives rise
to creativity and innovation, then we should recognize that
the Constitution is not specifically aimed at ensuring this.
Stabilizing values are embedded in the Constitution and
there is no room for the "collective imagination"
of Toffler or the "risk society" of Beck. Since
minorities create new ideas and models, society needs legal
protection for its "culturally sensitive" zones
(Easton).
For
this reason, we should be critical of a uni-polar structure
of legal regulation over creative processes. The legal system
should be transformed from a uni-polar to a bi-polar system
where the constitution or another legal document is at the
pole of freedom of civil society while traditional legislation
appears at the pole of government order. In the event of
conflict of freedom and order, constitutional law will "save"
civic freedom. It is possible that such a transformation
would accelerate economic growth, which will have to be
paid for in any case.
The
Problems of Restricting Human Rights: International and
National Aspects.
Ivan
Pankevych, Lviv Department of Human Rights, Law Academy
of Ukraine.
The
issue of restricting human rights has unique features in
Ukraine. First, in this period of the development of a sovereign
state, there has been a sudden departure from the socialist
doctrine of human rights and thus a strong influence from
a natural concept of human rights. Second, Ukraine's membership
in the Council of Europe is conditioned by its ratification
of the Convention on the Protection of Fundamental Human
Rights and Freedoms as well as other documents on human
rights. Third, the legal nature of a certain rights is being
rethought and as a result a shift in the limits of these
rights is taking place. Fourth, recent legal writing has
been addressing the issue of how under certain conditions
(mainly economic) certain guarantees for specific categories
of people (women, for example) can be transformed such that
they limit their rights. One example includes certain facets
of labor legislation that make it illegal to make women
work night shifts or on weekends against their wishes.
A
comparative analysis reveals that the Constitution of Ukraine
has fewer grounds for limiting human rights than the Convention
on the Protection of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms.
>From this we can conclude that the Ukrainian constitution
allows Ukrainian citizens a broader sphere of possibilities
than the Convention.
Towards
the Problem of Introducing a Bicameral Parliament in Ukraine:
Political and Legal Aspects.
Serhiy
Burlaka, Bila Tserkva Agrarian University.
History
of the development of bicameralism.
Principles of the division of responsibilities between the
upper and lower houses.
Trends in the parliamentary structuring in CIS countries.
Short review of the Ukrainian parliamentary tradition.
Debates on the advantages of unicameral and bicameral parliament
in Ukraine.
Causes and grounds for including the issue of a bicameral
parliament in the referendum of 16 April 2000.
Sociological analysis of attitudes of different factions
in the Verkhovna Rada to this issue.
Results of the referendum on bicameralism and a critical
analysis.
Problems of implementing the result of the referendum.
Review of possible ways to implement this decision.
Review of the necessary changes to the Constitution with
respect to introducing a bicameral parliament.
The issues of how to form the upper house.
Attitudes of different political forces to bicameralism
after the referendum.
Interaction
of the Legislative and Executive Branches of Power in Ukraine
During a Period of Democratization: In Search of the Optimal
Model.
Tetiana
Hrozitska, Assistant lecturer, Department of Political Science,
Odessa State University.
The
paper notes that the conflict in the triangle of power President-Parliament-Cabinet
of Ministers is one cause of the political and economic
crisis in Ukraine. At the beginning of the 1990s the Verkhovna
Rada played the leading role in political life in Ukraine.
During this stage the institution of the presidency was
gradually strengthened. Up until the middle of the 1990s
there was a balance of power between the Parliament and
the President. The stand-off between these two structures
was caused by the absence of constitutional reinforcement
of their respective powers the result of which was a struggle
to dominate the political system. The Constitution could
not create consensus among the executive and legislative
branches and thus reinforced the situation that had existed
up until 1996. The paper analyses the experience of developed
democratic countries and makes practical recommendations
for Ukraine.
The
Case for Federalism.
Oleksandr
Starukh, Lecturer, Zaporizhzhia State University.
Controversies
over regional policy in Ukraine have existed for some time,
but many issues remain unresolved. The acceptance of the
Constitution provided an intermediary resolution to the
debate about whether Ukraine should be a unitary or a federal
state. However, it is still necessary to form a clear, realistic
model of the relations between the central and regional
authorities.
The author analyses a public opinion poll concerning the
type of state in Ukraine as well as the programs of contemporary
political parties and presidential candidates. Arguments
for and against federalism are presented. The current regional
policy as well as Ukraine's prospects in light of this current
integrative trend are reviewed.
Democratization
and Regional Aspects of Transformation in Ukraine.
Nina
Brovynska, Mykolaiv.
The
state administration system and its corporate nomenklatura
have been the main obstacles to economic and political transformation
in the state. The model of administration on which the system
is built is based on a powerful, vertical command system
and the administrative-territorial division of the country.
Political reforms have barely affected it. Brutal domination
continues.
The
growing disparity between regions demonstrates the need
for the introduction of a regional policy. It is necessary
to consider all the following components in developing a
policy of regional development: objectives, principles,
institutions, instruments, methodology.
An
analysis of indicators of socio-economic development of
Ukraine's regions reveals the growing disparity among regions.
The author has researched the main factors contributing
to the growing gap.
The
author addresses the transformation in the relations between
the "center and region" and possible actions at
the local and national levels. Model scenarios for the development
of regions and cities along with corresponding instruments
of strategic administration and planning are also proposed.
The
Establishment of a Viable Local Community As A Form Of Transformational
Democracy.
Vitaliy
Zablotskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy
and Religious Studies, Donetsk Institute of Artificial Intelligence.
This
paper analyses the formation of territorial communities
(neighbourhoods), which the author considers an important
means of strengthening democracy at the grassroots level.
The
author draws on the experience of introducing techniques
to create such communities in the Donetsk region (particularly
the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts), the results of sociological,
social-psychological surveys; as well as material from conferences,
workshops, training sessions and round table discussions.
The paper argues that transformational democracy can positively
influence social life and is an instrument of personal transformation.
In other words, transformational democracy can stimulate
civic activism through individuals' day-to-day participation
in resolving particular problems (most often within an individuals'
own neighborhoods).
The
paper analyzes the preconditions for, and socio-cultural
barriers to, establishing such communities. The author underlines
the ideological basis for community strategies, in particular,
crisis-prevention ideology, values dimension of democratization,
and analyzes the features of an "extreme individual."
Finally, the author concludes that local (territorial) communities
are an important form of citizens' social and psychological
adaptation during crisis (as a form of re-generation of
live sociality), as well as essential in making democracy
take root in Ukraine.
Social
Control over Local Power as a Mechanism of Preventing Corruption.
Yevhen
Fishko, Serhiy Verstiuk, Institute of Reforms.
The
authors view corruption as one of the main obstacles to
the reform and development of Ukraine. The causes of corruption
include (1) the features of transformation from authoritarianism
and an administrative-command system to democracy and a
market economy, (2) specific circumstances in Ukraine. Severe
punishment and identifying individual, low-level officials
who take bribes is not an effective means of battling corruption.
Rather, a targeted activity to rid of the cause of corruption
is needed the root of which is the problematic nature of
the economic legislation which gives too much authority
to bureaucrats to control its implementation as well as
how bodies of power are closed to social control because
of underdevelopment of NGOs and free mass media.
Consolidated
Democracy in Ukraine: the Prospects for Development.
Maryna
Shapovalenko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy
and Political Science, University of Internal Affairs, Kharkiv.
The
democratic transition in post-communist Ukraine has its
own features, which influence prospects for the development
of a consolidated democracy. The "rules of the game"
are as important as the institutional prerequisites for
democratic consolidation that have been created during the
transition to democracy. Structural factors, historical
traditions, established models of behavior and the population's
orientation significantly influence these "rules."
Consensus should be distributed among the elite, political
parties and organizations, while the public should possess
democratic values. There are three phases in the institutionalization
of democratic norms and procedures as well as building consensus:
preparation, decision-making, and adaptation. The shift
from one phase to another can take a considerable amount
time. The pace and course of development depend on the "rules
of the game" of political elites with respect to the
main institutions of public power. However, the lack of
definition surrounding procedural consensus creates an environment
for the de-consolidation democracy and emergence of brutal
forms of administration.
Despite
the legal guarantees for democratic rules of the game (the
Constitution, laws on parties and both presidential and
parliamentary elections), from time to time, political elites
doubt the necessity of parliamentary and presidential elections,
and attempt to introduce changes into legislation and the
Constitution. Every document approved is a compromise and
every actor attempts to modify it when new conditions emerge.
In addition, the willingness to use non-legal means are
is a dominant characteristic of the behavior of the political
establishment. When an existing competitor transgresses
a norm in a contest without rules, distrust in one's rivals
deepens which leads to an appeal to democratic norms. Therefore,
the phase of decision-making has not yet passed.
The introduction of democratic norms and procedures indicates
that there is a definite trend towards creating procedural
consensus at the level of the political elite - a rhetoric
that the elite uses as a façade. Political elites
are inconsistent which perpetuates the lack of definition
in procedural consensus.
Theoretically
there are several ways the current situation could develop:
from authoritarianism to strict delegative democracy or
illiberal electoral democracy. On the other hand, favorable
external factors could facilitate the gradual consolidation
of democracy.
Citzens'
Access to Information from Local Bodies of Public Authority:
An Analysis of Ukrainian Models and International Norms.
Mykhailo
Svirin, Associate Professor, Academy of Public Administration
(Odessa).
By
"citizens' access to information" the author means
the possibility and right of citizens to receive information
from any source. "Information of Local Bodies of Public
Authority" in accordance with the Law On Information,
refers to official documentary information produced as a
result of the activities of the legislative, executive or
judicial bodies of power as well as local governments. This
paper looks at the Ukrainian model of access to information
from local government as well as local bodies of executive
authorities. The paper addresses the following issues in
terms of how they correspond to international norms: sources
of the norms for legal regulation of communication in the
system; the possibility to obtain, and the rules for providing,
information about the activities of local authorities through
the mass media; choice of language for communicating with
representatives of public institutions; the extent to which
problems of access to information of local authorities concern
citizens.
Local
Executive Authorities and the Public: Trends in their Relations
from the Beginning of the 1990s.
Volodymyr
Skoblyk, Associate Professor, Department of Modern History,
Uzhgorod State University; Institute of Public Administration
and Regional Development.
In
the nineties, hundreds of civic (non-governmental) organizations
were formed and registered in Uzhgorod. A new structure
of NGOs according to the number of such organizations and
type of activity has emerged as of the middle of 2000.Associations
for sport, youth and national culture are the most common
type of NGO. This means that in relations with the City
Executive Committee, the role of the departments of sport,
family and youth affairs, and domestic policy has become
more significant.
The
increase in the number of civic organizations with small
memberships, particularly in the second half of the nineties,
has led to a diversity that was impossible to imagine during
the Soviet era. However, the majority of these organizations
are not functioning; they only create the impression of
civic pluralism in the city.
The
City Executive Committee has passed through at least three
stages in the nineties with respect to its relations with
NGOs: 1) establishing contacts; 2) cooling of relations;
3) institutionalization of these relations. The institutionalization
of relations between NGOs and the City Executive Committee
has revealed how these organizations are in many ways dependent
on power. A more equal partnership will be possible only
if civic associations unite and obtain support from powerful
entrepreneurs who are independent from power.
Power
and Society: Interrelations among Institutions.
Volodymyr
Salamatov, Senior researcher, Ukrainian Academy of Public
Administration.
The
conflicts that have overwhelmed contemporary society have
aroused interest in the problem of stability, security,
organization of social life and have provoked research about
the factors of stability and the acceptability of social
conditions, the social climate for the individual. During
this period of extraordinary difficulty of social processes,
decisions cannot be made exclusively on the basis of rhetoric,
ideology and reference to the past. These factors are of
course part of political discourse. However, political decisions
based only on these factors will necessarily be ineffective.
For this reason the analysis of the interaction among actors
is an important component of democratic government and the
construction of democratic institutions.
The Formation
of a Legal State (The legal system, protection of human
rights, upholding laws).
Yulia
Hurdzhi, Odessa State Academy of Law.
The
goal of this research is to provide a systematic analysis
of the legal guarantees on the formation and implementation
of the criminal process for victims during the pre-judicial
stage using an instrumental and "motivational-stimulation"
approach (A.V. Malko).
State
Security Institutions in a Democratic Society.
F.V.
Shymanskyi, Associate Professor, National Law Academy.
Issues
of legal regulation play an important role in organizing
institutions of executive authority. In reconsidering the
development of Ukraine's Security Service since independence,
we can assert that democratization in Ukraine has had an
effect on the activities of the SBU. The employees have
withstood the test of professionalism, organization, and
commitment to national interests. The legal grounds for
the work of the security service have been established.
There have been organizational and staff changes.
Section 5: Parties, Elections, Political
Communication, Political Elites.
Trends in the Development of a Multi-Party
System in Ukraine.
Petro
Kraliuk, Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, Volyn
State University.
This
paper argues that the development of Ukrainian parties has
passed through three stages: ideological, authoritarian
and clannish parties. During 1990-1992 ideological parties
predominated. Ideologically however, most of them were a
sham. The absence of a link between party ideology and the
interests of particular social groups meant these parties
lacked a social basis and were therefore unstable.
This
situation gave rise to "single-leader parties"
which in turn were more stable and better adapted to Ukrainian
conditions. The development of such parties peaked during
the parliamentary and presidential elections in 1998-1999.
However, because of certain features, these parties cannot
be sufficiently powerful and influential. They have been
replaced by clannish parties.
The
paper also considers how the ideology - authoritarianism
- clannishness trend is evident in the activities of Ukrainian
parties that surpassed the 4% barrier in the 1998 parliamentary
elections.
Influence
of Electoral System on the Role of Political Parties in
the Development of Democracy in Ukraine.
Volodymyr
Fesenko, Kharkiv National University
The
electoral system has a significant influence on the development
of political parties, one of the most important institutions
in liberal democracies. In order to strengthen the role
of political parties in Ukraine, the majority system was
replaced by a mixed system in which half of the legislature
is elected on the basis of party lists.
The
parliamentary elections of 1998 demonstrated that as a result
of the transition to a mixed there was an increase in the
number of party representatives in the Verkhovna Rada. The
presidential-parliamentary form of governance and the methods
for forming the executive authorities laid out in the constitution
do not create a situations where influential parties in
the Verkhovna Rada can affect the activities of the executive
authorities. Further, the stability of political parties
and their fractions in the parliament depends largely on
their relations with executive authorities, mainly the Presidential
Administration. In these conditions political parties are
a subordinate, subsidiary element of the political system.
At best, they function as political opposition or a lobby
structure, an instrument of political influence, used by
various politicians or businessmen.
Increasing
the influence of political parties in Ukrainian society
depends on the institutionalization and stabilization of
the party system. The partial changes introduced into the
electoral system do not facilitate this. The introduction
of a mixed electoral system has led to an artful "partyization"
of the legislature but does not allow for the real influence
of parties on society, executive authorities or local governments.
Symbolic
Construction of Political Identity.
L.
D. Klymanska, Associate Professor, Department of Political
Science and Sociology, Lviv Polytechnical University.
Individual
political identity is formed through political communication.
Very few people are actually involved in making macro-political
decisions. However every individual can observe how political
events develop - in other words be involved in politics
through monitoring which the political scientist Edelman
called a "parade of abstract symbols."
Political
identity develops as a result of two processes: unification
and delimitation. Political identity is a symbolic means
for uniting with some and distancing from others, an important
means for mobilizing agents from the political field.
Symbols
are an essential component of political communication. Symbols
facilitate the construction of political identity. There
are definite trajectories in these processes, which the
author reviews in detail.
Mass
Media and Public Opinion: The Problem of a Transition Society.
Iryna
Nabrusko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy,
Kyiv State Linguistic University.
Mass
media is a veritable social force. In all societies, media
forms important social relations: horizontally - among social
systems (economic and political, religion and science);
and vertically - between macro, meso and micro levels of
society.
In
liberalizing, the state is obliged to create a counter-balance
in the form of public opinion. The process of transforming
the average observer into a master of his/her own life is
particularly difficult for the post-Soviet Ukrainian. This
is further complicated by the absence of civic culture and
moral clarity. However, a new legal reality is forming.
The rights and freedoms of citizens have become the focus
of the mass media. Thus, the mass media facilitates the
development of democracy in Ukraine.
Media
and Elections: the Value Orientations of the Ukrainian Political
Press.
Natalia
Kostenko, Senior Researcher, Institute of Sociology, National
Academy of Sciences.
The
1998 parliamentary elections underlined two features of
our situation: elections are not the only form of mass participation
in politics; and the pre-election situation is not the only
manifestation of the public sphere. The public sphere is
constructed by the media - press, radio, and television.
The media organizes communication among political elites,
experts, commentators, and other individuals.
The
author conducts a content analysis of the political press
(9 publications that represent the entire political spectrum)
that participated in the pre-election campaign from December
1997 to March 1998. This enables us to reconstruct the markers
of values of the political culture, presented to the Ukrainian
electorate prior to the parliamentary elections.
Elections
to Bodies of State Power (Organizational-Administrative
Aspects).
Ivan
Shkurat, Senior Researcher, Ukrainian Academy of Public
Administration (Kyiv).
The
author considers development and reform of the electoral
system during the eighties and nineties. Using the examples
of the 1994 and 1998 parliamentary elections and the 1999
presidential elections, the author draws conclusions about
the main types of resources required by candidates to be
elected to positions in bodies of state power and local
administration: personal, administrative; time; money; information;
organization. The availability of these resources alongside
data about the electorate enables candidates to conduct
a successful electoral campaign.
Public
Policy and the Problem of Classifying Elites: Theoretical
Approaches.
Valeriy
Tertychka. Lecturer, Department of Political Science and
Sociology, Poltava State Pedagogical Institute, Doctoral
Candidate, Academy of Public Administration (Kyiv).
The
author reviews theoretical approaches (typologies) concerning
the classification of elites in the process of analyzing
public policy. Considering the modular analysis studies
of public policy, the author attempts to review the elite
approach from the point of view of a typology of elites.
The
author emphasizes the necessity of developing "selection
mechanisms" for the political elite. Using empirical
data, the existence of stable types of elite groups are
described as well as other categories of elite groups. The
author argues that the concepts of "establishment,"
"elite" "member of the intelligentsia (ukr.
inteligent)" and "intellectual" need to be
defined. The paper describes types of administrative, party,
and business elites according to their influence on society
at the beginning and end of the nineties. The author underlines
the significance of education in forming the elite.
The
Ukrainian Political Elite and Problems of Democratization.
Maria
Piren, Professor, Department of Political Science, Academy
of Public Administration (Kyiv).
Ukraine's
elite should reflect the multi-ethnic character of Ukrainian
society. The members of the elite should be selected on
the basis of merit rather than ethnicity. The elite is the
conscience of the nation and should be an example of loyalty
and patriotism. This should be considered during the formation
of Ukraine as a political nation.
The
political elite today should be comprised of individuals
who understand the spiritual needs of Ukrainians, are involved
in generating new knowledge, participate in political life
and are actively working on problems connected with the
formation of a modern state.
The
struggle for the acquisition of power among the elite is
rarely conducted in line with commonly accepted norms, which
in turn is related to constant tensions, contradictions
and conflicts (the average term political leaders remain
in their positions is 12.5 months).
Recently, political life has begun to normalize in Ukraine
as a result of legalized competition among parties, associations,
and movements. Of note is the fact that the key figures
of the political elite are not found in the political sphere
itself, but in production and administration. To some extent
this is a positive feature because even in developed democracies,
the administrative and political spheres are closely intertwined.
The modern epoch emphasizes the rotation among the intelligentsia
and those involved in production in the elite.
The
weakness of Ukrainian political elite is evident in the
activities of political parties. Although there are many
parties, the level of democratization of society is very
low. A strong democracy requires a combination of political
and legal institutions characteristic of representative
democracies.
Section 6: Civil Society.
Problems and
Prospects in the Development of Civil Society in Contemporary
Ukraine.
Antonina
Koladiy, Professor, Department of Political Science and
Sociology, Lviv State Polytechnical University.
This
article addresses the most important problems of post-communist
transformation in Ukraine - the emergence and further development
of institutions of civil society as well as changes in social
orientation and models of individuals' behavior in Ukraine's
regions. The author highlights the institutional aspects
of civil society. Defining civil society as a sub-structure
of the social system in which a certain number of citizens
and voluntary associations and civic values dominate, the
author studies the emergence of wide range of community
organizations as well as the conditions for an independent
media to function. These issues are discussed against the
background of Ukrainian historical traditions and the particular
features of Ukrainians transition from totalitarianism to
democracy. The main threat to civil society is the patron-client
relations in protecting interests and the development of
an oligarchic political system. The author unites a theoretical
analysis with a review of practical problems community organizations
face.
Civil
Society: Theory and Practice in Confronting Post-Soviet
Challenges.
Iryna
Pasisnichenko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy,
University of Internal Affairs; Victor Pasisnichenko, Associate
Professor, Department of Sociology, Kharkiv Pedagogical
University.
Through
a critical analysis of the lessons from the recent revival
of civil society, this paper addresses contemporary paradoxes
in the theory and practice of civil society. It challenges
the dominant non-governmental model of civil society, which
is often mistakenly considered to be the only authentic
model. The authors suggest that a shift to a broader vision
of civil society is visible in both the practical needs
of civil society actors and intellectual debates about the
third sector. Finally, these theoretical assumptions are
applied to the case of civil society and third sector development
in Ukraine.
The
Conceptual Inconsistency of Civil Society in Ukraine and
Possibilities of Overcoming Them.
Iryna
Stepanenko, Associate Professor, Department of Public Policy,
Academy of Public Administration (Kharkiv.)
The
problem of conceptualizing civil society is an obstacle
to moving from general theoretical reflections to applied
research of the state, mechanisms, formation and development
of civil society in specific countries. This problem is
particularly acute in Ukraine, which is the result of the
fact that there has been neither a theoretical nor practical
renaissance of civil society. The following theoretical
issues are addressed: relationship between civil society
and other spheres of social life; the structure of civil
society itself; the nature of the relations between civil
society and democratic government.
The
author concludes that further attention - theoretically
and practically - should be paid to the slowness, ambivalence
and incoherence of the development of civil society in Ukraine.
It is important to address and overcome the widespread insecurity
in the future of the society and the inability of citizens
to influence the prospects for societal development. This
is impossible without the following: overcoming the instability
in the social system; overcoming unpredictability and inconsistency
of social and economic policy; and changes in the activities
of public actors.
Problems
of Gender Equality in the State-Building Process: Ukraine
and International Experience.
Olha
Kulachek, PhD Candidate, Academy of Public Administration,
Kyiv.
Equality
is a basic condition of democracy. Any society that proclaims
to be democratic must provide equal opportunities for all
its members. Therefore, equality between men and women is
not only a condition of social justice, but also an indicator
of true democracy. Women today have experienced certain
changes in their social status. They have more opportunities
to participate in community life and have their own career.
Despite certain positive developments, there is a gap in
the status of men and women particularly in the public service.
Women rarely occupy the highest posts in oblast and district
state institutions and local governments. The transition
to democracy in Ukraine provides the foundation for improving
the status of women but more targeted measures are needed
to make this a reality.
Democracy
in Trade Unions in Ukraine (Comparative Study).
Serhiy
Horlianskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Modern History,
Tavriy National University.
Trade
unions in Ukraine do not protect their members and do not
have authority because they are not democratic organizations.
Many current trade union leaders were former party officials
and are not sincere democrats. The appointment of leaders
in trade unions is also not democratic. There is a lack
of responsibility in trade unions. Union members are insufficiently
informed about union activities. The membership in trade
unions has remained the same because of inertia and the
absence political culture, and practice of members identifying
priorities.
The
democratic reforms in the Federation of Trade Unions (FTU)
is improbable because the movement is characterized by organizational
unity and financial stability. The FTU supports gradual
development and slow reform. The FTU is incapable of and
does not wish to mobilize its member or align itself with
other parties or movements. Reforms will be possible if
alternative trade unions participate in the FTU leadership.
However, their influence on policy is marginal.
Dynamics,
Typology, and Features of Confessional Transformation in
Ukraine 1988-2000.
Andriy
Yurash, Lecturer, Department of Radio and Television, Faculty
of Journalism, Lviv National University.
This
paper provides a comprehensive analysis of reform processes
concerning religion in Ukraine. Results are presented using
statistical material on three specific features of confessional
transformation, which are most clear when set against the
backdrop of other social transformations.
The
paper also addresses historic, theological, political conditions
concerning the emergence and development of new transformations.
The author periodizes the changes that have occurred since
1988.
Section 7: Citizens' Preferences, Values
and Behavior.
Democracy,
Political Culture and Civil Society in Ukraine.
Iryna
Bekeshkina, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of
Sciences.
The
author addresses how the main components of democracy are
developing in a situation where the necessary pre-conditions
are absent.
A
multi-party system. During a period when the number of parties
has increased, and even in the aftermath of elections where
parties played a significant role, public opinion has shifted
and is no longer in favor of a multi-party system.
Mass
media. In Ukrainian society, media do not fulfill represent
a broad range of viewpoints on a certain issue. The lack
of freedom of Ukrainian media has been particularly apparent
during major political events such as presidential elections,
and in the run up to the referendum.
Civil
society and social expectations. The loss of hope in democratic
means of resolving social problems has lead to widespread
expectations that a "firm hand" could resolve
all social problems. In general the mindset of the population
can be defined as "electoral monarchism."
Specific
points where the growth of democracy in Ukraine is evident.
The only real hope for the development of democracy in Ukraine
is the construction of civil society, which is will be built
through the gradual winning back of territory from authorities
of control and influence over citizens. Despite negative
public opinion about the existence of real democratic institutions,
sociological research reveals that for the most part the
public is oriented towards democratic values, the need for
developing democracy and understands that it is necessary
that Ukraine exist as a democratic state.
The
Problem of Trust in the Context of Political Culture in
Contemporary Ukrainian Society.
O.
Kokorska and V. Kokorskiy, Donetsk Institute of Management.
One
of the main problems that Ukraine has faced after declaring
itself independent has been developing a democratic political
culture. The nature of political culture has a major impact
on the development of political institutions. Only a civic
culture can make democracy stable. In defining cultural
values that facilitate the development of democracy, political
theorists always refer to trust as a key feature of political
culture.
This paper underlines the significance of trust as a major
way to stimulate political activity and formulates certain
grounds for forming political trust: on the basis of blind
faith and ideals proposed by leaders of political movements;
on the basis of dynamic relations of the interests of different
classes; on the basis of how convincing the political subject
is.
The horizontal distribution of trust in the direction of
individual - society can facilitate the gradual formation
of trust vertically - individual - state, and the potential
credibility of power bearers at all levels. If transparency
towards society is absent that there can be no trust except
perhaps the pseudo-trust of soviet times.
Problem of Political Trust in Ukraine
and Canada.
Alla
Kovaliova, Associate Professor, History Faculty, Eastern
Ukrainian State University.
This
paper attempts to conduct a comparative analysis of the
problem of political trust in Ukraine and Canada. Political
trust is a problem in both countries. However, there are
of course certain differences.
This
study uses material from sociological surveys conducted
by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation as well as material
from the Decima Quarterly Report.
The
paper discusses different definitions of "political
trust" as well as various approaches to studying this
phenomenon. The author reviews the most convincing arguments
for the decline in political trust in states with established
democratic traditions.
The
situation concerning political trust in Ukraine is viewed
as a transitional model with its own particular features.
The characteristics of the development of the Ukrainian
state interpreted from sociological surveys are compared
with the material of Canadian researchers.
The
Formation of Liberal Values during the "Massovization"
of Ukrainian Society.
Liubov
Mazur, Associate Lecturer, Department of Philosophy, Lviv
Polytechnical University.
There
have been many difficulties in the democratization of post-Soviet
states. The middle class, which is the guarantor of democracy,
law and order, is almost non-existent. The excessive concentration
of capital has led to criminality and corruption in the
state apparatus. The disempowerment of the vast majority
of Ukrainians could result in social turmoil. In these conditions,
youth could play a constructive role in society. While the
older generation (almost 50% of the population) is disappointed
with their losses, and favors a return to the Soviet system,
the young generation has easily accepted Western values.
According to a survey conducted in the Lviv Polytechnical
University, 73% of students prefer personal freedom to equality.
Values of personal development rated highest on the scale
of values.
Contemporary
youth are growing up in an environment in which ideological
pressure is absent and which has a mass character. This
mass character is evident in the erosion of social structure
and social mobility and has creative potential as well as
negative features. According to the results of the survey,
young people are dynamic and actively creating conditions
for their own self-realization.
The
formation of liberal values is the first step in consolidating
civil society. Legal reform, which would facilitate the
development of objective-rational behavior, should be the
next step in this process. Consolidating a mass society
into a civil society is dependent on providing equal rights
and opportunities. The idea is not to help those who have
nothing, but to create conditions for all citizens so that
they can manage their own affairs and take part in social
life.
From
Politicized Democracy to a Democratic World View.
Andriy
Lakovenko, Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Eastern Ukrainian
State University.
This
paper addresses a number of issues connected with reinforcing
democratic principles and values in Ukrainian society particularly
among youth. The author argues that the danger of democratic
transformation in Ukraine lies in the similarity of the
new ideological-religious platforms.
The
author underlines the necessity of formulating conceptual
criteria to evaluate democracy: democracy as a universal,
integrating, intercultural paradigm or a set of values limited
geopolitically to the Euro-Atlantic region and Western Christianity
(Huntington's approach). The importance of this definition
is considered in light of the increase in the number of
socially active youth who were born in the Soviet Union
but were brought up for the most part on a democratic ideology.
Drawing
on data from national and regional sociological studies,
the author analyzes various origins of ambivalence that
characterizes today's young "transitional generation."
The author underlies the need for more profound research
on the "pragmatization" of contemporary Ukrainian
youth.
The
Role of Psychological Factors in the Development of Democracy
in Ukraine.
Larysa
Ponomarenko, Institute For Teacher Retraining (Odessa).
In
the decade since the fall of the USSR, the turbulent development
of a market economy and new political realities have cardinally
changed Ukraine. New conditions require new behavior patterns
which force citizens to change their views. An analysis
of the state of social and individual consciousness and
stereotypes can help in predicting trends in the development
of democracy and civil society, and in selecting certain
reference points for the introduction of democratic education.
Successful
democratic transformation is dependent on changes in individual
psychology, social stereotypes and patterns of behavior
- from the position of waiting for orders from a director
to the feeling of being the independent, active subject
of one's own life and society. The development of subjectivity
or individuality can be viewed as the primary goal of democracy
education.
The
Political Efficacy of Ukrainian Citizens: Do They Believe
in Their Ability to Influence Politics and in the Responsibility
of Authorities?
Zoya
Hrytsenko, Kharkiv State Agrarian University.
Political
efficacy is one of the most important features of a democratic
political culture. This article studies the level of political
efficacy of Ukrainian citizens using both methodology and
methods developed by western science. The author focuses
on different levels of internal and external political efficacy
in a transitional society. The correlation coefficient between
political efficacy and support for independence is calculated
in this article. Author concludes that at present, Ukrainian
citizens have a rather high level of external and low level
of internal efficacy. In the author's opinion, further development
of democracy in Ukraine will result in the same rate of
change of political efficacy as in developed democracies:
internal political efficacy will reach a stable high level
while external political efficacy will decrease.
Process
of Development of Democracy in Ukraine through the Eyes
of Youth: (How do Ukrainian students understand and perceive
democracy its development in Ukraine?).
Ihor
Polischuk, Lecturer, Department of Political Sciences, Kharkiv
National University.
This
paper analyzes the results of sociological research carried
out at the beginning of May 2000 in three leading higher
educational institutions of Kharkiv: the Kharkiv National
University, the Kharkiv Military University, and the Kharkiv
State Academy of Culture. The research surveyed 150 individuals-50
from each institution. The following aspects of Ukrainian
students' attitudes were analyzed: perception and rational
interpretation of the notion "democracy"; ideological
orientation; assessment of political regime in Ukraine;
level of trust in bodies of power; likely reaction in the
event of the establishment of dictatorship in Ukraine; assessment
of level of protection of citizens' rights; value orientations.
Political
Preferences and Views on Democracy in the Western Regions
of Ukraine.
Yuriy
Kuzheliuk, Deputy Head of the Committee on Information,
Lviv Oblast State Administration.
For
three years, the Lviv oblast has regularly conducted public
opinion polls, which enables us to identify trends in public
attitudes concerning democratic principles and their incorporation
into state-building processes. Political, economic and socio-cultural
problems were studied.
These
studies reveal that many inhabitants of the Lviv oblast
have a favorable view of the prospects for democratic development
in Ukraine although the totalitarian past and few successes
in the first years of independence have led to a general
state of passivity and unwillingness to take part in civic
affairs.
In
general there are contradictions in the views of the region
concerning the prospects for the development of Ukrainian
society. These contradictions can be explained by the prolonged
crisis and the absence of experience with democracy. It
is particularly important that despite economic difficulties,
citizens are in favor of a market economy and private property.
This means there are good prospects for emerging from a
state of political apathy and developing a democratic society.
Ukrainian
Women's Organizations as Subjects of State Building at the
End of XX Century.
Oksana
Yarosh, Assistant lecturer, Department of Political Science,
Volyn State University
Women's
organizations are understood as subjects in the sense that
they are engaged in practical political activity directed
at protecting the rights of their members and pursing the
goals set out in organizational statutes. The criterion
of subjectivity is the ability to act rationally and independently
in a way that meets individuals' needs in society. Women's
organizations are not subjects by definition. Subjectivity
is achieved through organizations' self-affirmation, self-consciousness,
and society's recognition of their status and role.
Women's
organizations are not in essence political structures. However,
their activities in the state-building process are often
political since they participate in resolving political
problems. Members of women's organizations represent a spectrum
of political forces. There is a trend toward the politicization
of women's organizations.
This
paper develops a classification of women's organizations
and movements and makes recommendations for increasing the
subjectivity of women's organizations and further development
of democracy. By analyzing the stages, forms and methods
of the activities of women's organizations, mechanisms for
including them in the political system, how they interact
with other actors in the state-building process, we can
better understand women's organizations as political subjects
in contemporary Ukraine
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