Conference Papers 2000

Abstracts:

DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE

A collection of papers presented at the 1st International Conference on the Development of Democracy in Ukraine.
Kyiv. October 2000

This volume presents a collection of articles from the conference, "The Development of Democracy in Ukraine", that was held in Kyiv September 29 to October 1, 2000.

This was the first of two research conferences that the project has organized.


The purpose of these conferences has been to strengthen the sense of community among teachers and researchers interested in promoting the development of education about democracy in Ukraine; to encourage research that will help improve democratic governance and help promote the development of civil society in Ukraine; and to create a body of indigenous scholarship to support the long-term development of a self-sustaining program of education about democracy.

Our hope for this first conference was that it would begin the process of establishing an inventory of what is known and what needs to be known about democratic development in Ukraine. The creation of this inventory is no small task. The transition to democracy is a broad process that embraces not only political but also economic, social, and cultural change. Thus, to be properly understood, it requires a multi-disciplinary perspective. The conference was intended to encourage this broad form of scholarly engagement and I believe it was a good beginning. The participants came from the disciplines of political science, economics, history, sociology, philosophy, public administration, pedagogical science, and cultural studies.

I should note that the interpretations and views presented in these papers are those of the authors and that the papers are being published as presented at the conference. Some may subsequently be revised for publication, subject to peer assessment, in an on-line journal that the Project is creating.

As director of the Democracy Education project, I would like to thank all those who contributed to the success of the conference and the publication of these papers. A special debt of gratitude is owed Professor Vitaliy Zablotsky for his work in editing this volume. The diligence and commitment that he brought to this task are deeply appreciated

George Perlin,
Kingston, Ontario.
September, 2001



Abstracts

Index

To go directly to an abstract click on the author's name.

1 Canada-US and Ukraine-Russia: An Attempt at a Comparative Analysis.
Maryna Bessonova

2 Multiculturalism in a Democratic Society: Liberal Freedoms, the Equality of
Cultures and the Problem of Recognition.
Serhiy Bondaruk

3 Problems of Transformation of Cultural Sphere in Post-Communist Ukraine.
Larysa Mytsyk

4 Language Politics in Contemporary Ukraine: Nationalism, Liberalism and Identity Formation.
Tetiana Zhurzhenko.

5 Inter-Ethnic Relations in Southern Ukraine.
Mykola Nekoz.

6 The Rights of National Minorities in Ukraine: Legislation and Practice 1991-2000.
Leonid Riaboshapko

7 Some Notes on the State of Economic Reforms in Ukraine.
Ihor Burov.

8 Ukrainian Attitudes towards Entrepreneurship and a Market Economy during Democratization.
Olha Christoforova
.

9 International Labour Migration on Ukraine's Western Border.
Oleksandr Khomra
.

10 Market Transformation in the Social Sector as a Guarantee of Democratization in Ukrainian Society.
Svitlana Bila.

11 Democracy and Social Policy in Contemporary Ukraine.
Emma Gansova.

12 Household Survival Strategies in Contemporary Ukraine.
Andriy Gorbachyk.

13 Democratizing Education on the Basis of Multiculturalism: International
Experience and Ukrainian Realities.
Tetiana Klynchenko.

14 The Civic Education Problem.
Oleksandr Tyahlo.

15 Ukrainian Constitutionalism on the Threshold of the 21st Century: Problems and Prospects. Volodymyr Kampo.

16 Ukrainian Constitution in the Contemporary Context.
Vsevolod Rechytskiy.

17 The Problems of Restricting Human Rights: International and National Aspects.
Ivan Pankevych
.
.
18 Towards the Problem of Introducing a Bicameral Parliament in Ukraine: Political and Legal Aspects.
Serhiy Burlaka.

19 Interaction of the Legislative and Executive Branches of Power in Ukraine During a Period of Democratization: In Search of the Optimal Model.
Tetiana Hrozitska.

20 The Case for Federalism.
Oleksandr Starukh

21 Democratization and Regional Aspects of Transformation in Ukraine.
Nina Brovynska.

22 The Establishment of a Viable Local Community As A Form Of Transformational Democracy.
Vitaliy Zablotskiy.

23 Social Control over Local Power as a Mechanism of Preventing Corruption.
Yevhen Fishko

24 Consolidated Democracy in Ukraine: the Prospects for Development.
Maryna Shapovalenko.

25 Citzens' Access to Information from Local Bodies of Public Authority: An Analysis of Ukrainian Models and International Norms.
Mykhailo Svirin.

26 Local Executive Authorities and the Public: Trends in their Relations from the Beginning of the 1990s.
Volodymyr Skoblyk.

27 Power and Society: Interrelations among Institutions.
Volodymyr Salamatov.

28 The Formation of a Legal State (The legal system, protection of human rights, upholding laws).
Yulia Hurdzhi
.

29 State Security Institutions in a Democratic Society.
F.V.Shymanskyi.

30 Trends in the Development of a Multi-Party System in Ukraine.
Petro Kraliuk.

31 Influence of Electoral System on the Role of Political Parties in the Development
of Democracy in Ukraine.
Volodymyr Fesenko.

32 Symbolic Construction of Political Identity.
L. D. Klymanska.

33 Mass Media and Public Opinion: The Problem of a Transition Society.
Iryna Nabrusko.

34 Media and Elections: the Value Orientations of the Ukrainian Political Press.
Natalia Kostenko
.

35 Elections to Bodies of State Power (Organizational-Administrative Aspects).
Ivan Shkurat.

36 Public Policy and the Problem of Classifying Elites: Theoretical Approaches.
Valeriy Tertychka.

37 The Ukrainian Political Elite and Problems of Democratization.
Maria Piren.

38 Problems and Prospects in the Development of Civil Society in Contemporary Ukraine. Antonina Koladiy.

39 Civil Society: Theory and Practice in Confronting Post-Soviet Challenges.
Iryna Pasisnichenko and Victor Pasisnichenko.

40 The Conceptual Inconsistency of Civil Society in Ukraine and Possibilities of Overcoming them.
Iryna Stepanenko.

41 Problems of Gender Equality in the State-Building Process: Ukraine and International Experience.
Olha Kulachek.

42 Democracy in Trade Unions in Ukraine (Comparative Study).
Serhiy Horlianskiy.

43 Dynamics, Typology, and Features of Confessional Transformation in Ukraine 1988-2000.
Andriy Yurash.

44 Democracy, Political Culture and Civil Society in Ukraine.
Iryna Bekeshkina.

45 The Problem of Trust in the Context of Political Culture in Contemporary Ukrainian Society.
O. Kokorska and V. Kokorskiy.

46 Problem of Political Trust in Ukraine and Canada.
Alla Kovaliova
.

47 The Formation of Liberal Values during the "Massovization" of Ukrainian Society.
Liubov Mazur.

48 From Politicized Democracy to a Democratic World View.
Andriy Lakovenko.

49 The Role of Psychological Factors in the Development of Democracy in Ukraine.
Larysa Ponomarenko.

50 The Political Efficacy of Ukrainian Citizens: Do They Believe in Their Ability to Influence politics and in the Responsibility of Authorities?
Zoya Hrytsenko.

51 Process of Development of Democracy in Ukraine through the Eyes of Youth: (How do Ukrainian students understand and perceive democracy its development in Ukraine?).
Ihor Polischuk.

52 Political Preferences and Views on Democracy in the Western Regions of Ukraine.
Yuriy Kuzheliuk.

53 Ukrainian Women's Organizations as Subjects of State Building at the End of XX Century. Oksana Yarosh.



ABSTRACTS

Section 1. Foreign Policy, Inter-ethnic Relations and State-Building

Canada-US and Ukraine-Russia: An Attempt at a Comparative Analysis,
Maryna Bessonova Department of History, Zaporizhzhia State University.

Using the example of Canada-US relations, this paper aims to define common features that could be useful for Ukraine, as a new independent state, in building its relations with Russia. As former republics of the USSR, Ukraine and Russia have much in common economically, politically, and culturally. Their relations have deep historical roots, the consequences of which have not always been positive for Ukraine.

The radical changes occurring in the world as a result of the collapse of communism have had a significant impact on Ukrainian-Russian relations. Most have developed into various conflicts. Examples include the problem of nuclear weapons, the Black Sea Fleet and economic relations (particularly the problem of dividing Soviet assets).

The most important objective for Ukraine as a sovereign state is to delimit borders with Russia in order to create the most favourable conditions for its own development. On the other hand, it is necessary to maintain the existing "positive" relations Ukraine has with its powerful neighbour. In order to achieve this complex objective the experience of other countries whose foreign relations can be classified as relations between a "dominator" and a "colony." The relations between Canada and the US provide one such example.


Multiculturalism in a Democratic Society: Liberal Freedoms, the Equality of Cultures and the Problem of Recognition.

Serhiy Bondaruk, Associate Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, Institute of Social Sciences, Volyn State University.

This paper analyzes the problems and prospects of introducing multiculturalism in contemporary Ukrainian society. The trend towards integration in political and economic life is influencing the socio-cultural development of certain nations and communities. Identifying the mechanisms influencing this process will contribute to a better understanding of the prospects for the development of these communities, as well as the prevention of inter-ethnic conflicts.

This problem is important in contemporary Ukrainian society due to the fact that these particular relations are only just forming. There is the potential for conflict in this process. There is a risk that the culture of nation a nation freed from dependence on a foreign center may itself begin functioning as a dominating culture.

For this reason a liberal state is responsible for granting equal recognition to the cultures of all its citizens and the opportunity for all to participate in forming and defining its identity. The cultural variety of the state depends on conditions for the formation of the ethno-cultural landscape of each particular community. Misunderstanding the features of the relations between cultures can lead to the spiritual and cultural decline of the socio-cultural unit. This can be avoided by adopting a policy of multiculturalism.

The author concludes that Ukraine needs to develop its own theory of multiculturalism, education and politics while taking into account other states' experience.



Problems of Transformation of Cultural Sphere In Post-Communist Ukraine.

Larysa Mytsyk, Associate Professor, Department of History, Nizhyn State Pedagogical University.

The purpose of the paper is to draw the curtains hiding the political aspects of culture. The author focuses on the interaction of culture and society during the post-communist transformation and the model of cultural policy for Ukraine generated by these conditions.

The author concludes that because of the weakness of the national elite, and the chronic lack of means and time, which limit possibilities for manoeuvring in the cultural sphere, it is necessary to draw on foreign experience. However, the issue is not one of privileging a single western model of cultural policy, but rather making a strategic choice in favour of the concept of "culture support" which all mature democracies recognize. This concept has the following characteristics:

legal and economic independence of the majority of cultural and art establishments, limiting state administration of the cultural sphere;

use of financial resources to support specific cultural or art projects rather than running establishments, collectives, organizations;

creation of legislative and economic incentives (through tax privileges and so forth) for non-state institutions to support culture and contribute to the development of a network of non-governmental cultural organizations.

A new Law of Ukraine on Culture should ensure the introduction of market mechanisms in the cultural sphere while taking into account contemporary realities (i.e. the fact that infrastructure for the most part is public property and the necessity providing social protection for more than 200,000 employees of cultural institutions), and maintaining a certain amount of state financing during the transition period. The new Law of Ukraine on Culture should ensure introduction of market mechanisms in the sphere of culture while simultaneously retaining certain financial guarantees from the state.


Language Politics in Contemporary Ukraine: Nationalism, Liberalism and Identity Formation.

Tetiana Zhurzhenko, Associate Professor, Kharkiv National University.

This paper consists of three parts. In the first part I briefly introduce the current debate on the status of the Russian language in Ukraine, the so-called Ukrainization campaign and opposition to it in Ukrainian society. In the second part the main arguments of both sides of the debate are summarized - both of which claim to represent the interests of Ukrainian-speaking and Russian-speaking groups - and to analyze how the image of "self" and "other" is constructed in their argumentation. In the third part I attempt to consider the theoretical debates surrounding the concepts of multiculturalism, minority rights and cultural differences in contemporary political theory and their implications for the situation in Ukraine.


Inter-Ethnic Relations in Southern Ukraine.

Mykola Nekoz, Professor, Head, Department of Ukrainian Studies, Zaporizhzhia Institute of Economics and Information Technology.

Inter-ethnic harmony a key factor in maintaining peace and consolidating Ukrainian society during the profound economic crisis of the transition from totalitarianism to democracy.

This problem is particularly important considering the consequences of a long-term russification policy, the anti-Ukrainian activities in the country, the pro-empire forces beyond Ukraine's borders, and the presence of numerous ethnic groups, particularly in southern Ukraine. Further, one of the most common features of post-Soviet states is the worsening of inter-ethnic relations.

Extensive sociological research conducted at the beginning of 1997 provides an objective picture of inter-ethnic relations. Despite their apparent stability, inter-ethnic relations in southern Ukraine, could potentially worsen to the point of conflict. Crimea is one of the most explosive regions. The relations between Russians and Tatars have reached a critical limit. To significantly improve the situation, central and regional state authorities, leaders of political parties and associations, and mass media need to change their behavior. Many inter-ethnic issues can be resolved by improving the economic situation, meeting the needs of the indigenous people, national minorities and groups, and upholding the Constitution.


The Rights of National Minorities in Ukraine: Legislation and Practice 1991-2000.

Leonid Riaboshapko, Associate Professor, Lviv National University.

This paper briefly analyses the legislation on national minorities during the period 1991-2000. The complex political and legal situation is discussed in which democratic relations between the state and national minorities were established. The author describes the Law on National Minorities in Ukraine of 1992 from the point of view of upholding the constitutional rights of citizens with this status. The author looks separately at the role of the Ukrainian Constitution of 1996 as the legal basis for further development of state policy on ethnic and national minorities, the necessity of changing legislation to correspond to the Constitution and international treaties.


Section 2: Issues of Economic and Social Development in Ukraine.


Some Notes on the State of Economic Reforms in Ukraine.

Ihor Burov, Senior researcher, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences, Director of the Center for Informational Technology.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, ordinary citizens' vision of future economic transformation was extremely contradictory and "ideologized." The majority of Ukrainians hesitated in accepting the "road to capitalism" in choosing Ukraine's future direction.

Moreover, no government officials called this new political choice the "road to capitalism." Even today, the global changes in society are explained to the people as "restructuring" or "building a democratic society." But the final result cannot be positive if the internal policy is implemented without taking into account mass consciousness on the prospects and expectations of this political path.

The analysis of attitudes towards the processes of transforming the economy is based on statistical data from 1994-1997. In the author's view, the first steps towards rebuilding the market were made in 1994. Today it is clear that unfortunately a "nomenklatura" model of market regulation was adopted that was far away from any of the systems that the survey respondents had described in 1992. There is no doubt that the economic transformations that took place were the most conservative among all countries in Eastern Europe including Russia.


Ukrainian Attitudes towards Entrepreneurship and a Market Economy during Democratization.

Olha Christoforova, M.A. in Sociology (Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University).

This paper examines public attitudes concerning the development of entrepreneurship and a market economy. The author's analysis is based on a study of public opinion during the process of democratization because the successful development of democracy is related to public support for democratic activities. Private entrepreneurship is one aspect of a market economy. The author analyzes the causes of citizens' contradictory attitudes during the transition period on the basis of monitoring data of the Institute of Sociology (National Academy of Sciences) "Ukraine on the threshold of the 21st century" during 1994-1999. Furthermore, the author develops multi-factor models of citizens' attitudes toward entrepreneurship and market relations which can be used to assess the influence of attitudes towards economic development, the level of material well-being, as well as age and education, on public opinion.


International Labor Migration on Ukraine's Western Border.

Oleksandr Khomra, Head of the Department of Regional Relations, National Institute of Ukrainian-Russian Relations.

The introduction of the right to travel abroad facilitated the development of democracy in Ukraine. Familiarization with democratic institutions abroad has contributed to the introduction of such institutions in Ukraine. Intensive travel related to trade that was significant at the beginning of the 1990s has exhausted its potential. Besides emigration, labor migration has also increased. Labor migration is most frequent among inhabitants of border areas. The differences among those who did and did not migrate internationally for work can be viewed as an indirect contribution of international labor migration in spreading democratic values among Ukrainians.

In order to define the differences among those who did and did not take part in international labor migration, we conducted a survey in the Volyn and Lviv oblasts. Our research provides grounds for concluding that the integration of Ukraine into a single European migration space can be considered a leading factor in the democratization of Ukrainian society.


Market Transformation in the Social Sector as a Guarantee of Democratization in Ukrainian Society.

Svitlana Bila, Associate Professor, Department of Theoretical Economics and Economic History, Ukrainian Academy of Public Administration (Kyiv).

Ukraine's strategic goal of European integration requires significant improvement of the human rights protection system and democratization of all spheres of social life. One of the most important aspects of this problem - a reflection of the place of the individual in the system of state policy - is social protection and the provision of social guarantees. Given the lack of resources and financial difficulties of the transition period, there has to be fundamental change in the interpretation of the concept of democratization of the social sphere. The principles of wage-leveling, minimization of payments and general state protection should be replaced with the principles of targeted, conscious, and voluntary forms of social protection. The experience of Western countries in the field of social and pension security, medical and unemployment insurance will assist in resolving these problems in Ukraine.

The global structural transformation occurring in the Ukrainian economy meets the demands of international labor distribution. However, the low solvency of the majority of the population has slowed the reform of the Ukrainian economy in line with the demands of the domestic market. Thus, there is an urgent need for state regulation of the system of labor remuneration (taking into account international criteria and norms) as a component of social reform and as an important factor of economic growth and democratic transformation.

Resolving problems such as unemployment as well as social security for the elderly, the physically challenged and students should be founded on a well-elaborated combination of state and market-based social security measures. Implementing pension reforms using new principles, introducing a medical and unemployment insurance scheme etc. will reveal the democratic nature of the reforms carried out during the transition period in Ukraine.


Democracy and Social Policy in Contemporary Ukraine

Emma Gansova, Professor, Department of Social and Political Sciences, Academy of Public Administration (Odessa).

This paper demonstrates the mutual connection between democracy and social policy evident in a system of social relations - which includes numerous interests and needs of social groups. Democratic power is the result of the will of various strata of the population. On the other hand, citizens expect state institutions to establish the legal and economic conditions for their activities. In other words the relations between state and civil society are a kind of "social contract." There are several ways of distributing duties among the state, citizenry and non-governmental organizations in order to provide employment and social services. This paper considers these means of distribution as models of social policy. These means are strengthened in political ideology, governmental, and constitutional documents. They are implemented through the activities of the executive branch of power.

The socio-economic status of citizens as well as their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the standard of living are criteria for effective democratic governance. These factors determine the extent to which the population supports its authorities.

Democratization has not been accompanied by successes in social development in contemporary Ukraine. This is illustrated by the human development index, the availability of health care services, polarization in society (decile co-efficient and Jinni co-efficient), the level of unemployment and number of people whose income falls below the poverty line, the decline in labor motivation, and a decline in the cost of labor.

Public opinion, particularly the increase in the number dissatisfied with their material standard of living, the lack of hope in the improvement of living standards, and distrust of all branches of power indicate a crisis in social policy.

This paper investigates two main causes of differences between political and social relations in Ukraine. One cause is the attitude toward human capital and "economic determinism" of current power-holders inherited from the Soviet period. A second cause is the lack of a developed civil society, which would allow citizens to influence the state.


Household Survival Strategies in Contemporary Ukraine.

Andriy Gorbachyk, Associate Professor, Faculty of Sociology and Psychology, Kyiv National University.

This paper addresses how Ukrainian citizens relate to the changes in their households brought on by political and economic reforms in Ukraine over the last ten years. The author argues that the results of the massive transformations have to be evaluated not only in terms of macro indicators but also from the point of view of their influence on the life of family households. It is clear that virtually all respondents relate negatively to the changes over the last 10 years with respect to their households. The author analyses various forms of household behavior directed at adapting to the radical changes - survival strategies. A quantitative analysis of the distribution of these strategies is necessary, since these behaviors can serve as a reliable indicator of the progress of market reforms in Ukraine.


 


Section 3: Issues of Democratic Education.

 


Democratizing Education on the Basis of Multiculturalism: International Experience and Ukrainian Realities.

Tetiana Klynchenko, Senior researcher, Institute of Political and Ethno-national Research, National Academy of Sciences

The ethno-political concept of Ukraine as a unitary state with a multi-ethnic population is the primary rationale for ensuring that education is informed by a policy of multiculturalism. The principles of poly-ethnicity and multiculturalism have been included in Ukraine's laws. The laws passed in the first years after independence as well as educational documents have created the legal basis on which education for a multicultural society has begun to be implemented.

To make the transition to multiculturalism in education, new conceptual documents concerning multicultural education, civic education and improvement of education oriented towards specific national minorities need to be elaborated. The former internationalist educational paradigm should be replaced by the idea of multicultural education based on the idea of pluralism. Introducing "multiculturalism" into educational practice requires the approach "all are different, all are equal."


The Civic Education Problem.

Oleksandr Tyahlo, Head of the Department of Philosophy and Political Science, University of Internal Affairs, Kharkiv.

Post-Soviet Ukraine is going through a democratic transition. Consequently, civic education is an urgent issue, for it can facilitate adaptation to new social conditions and the adoption of democratic values and norms. The purpose of civic education is to fill a gap in the socialization process, which has emerged as a result of the collapse of the communist system of education.

In contrast to the communist education system, civic education cannot be an issue only for parties and the state. Civic education should be an issue for civil society itself. This would be ideal since the processes of self-education and the self-development of civil society would coincide.

The main objective of civic education is to enable every citizen to rationally choose his or her own political views, politicians, social system and place within it. Rational choices can be made if relevant and accurate information is provided. In order to make a rational choice in the public sphere, a citizen should possess information about what the government is, what the government does, and who comprises the government.

During the transition period, civic education needs to be further elaborated to correspond to the values and norms of democracy. A course on critical thinking is one way of addressing this issue.



Section 4: Institutions of Governance.


Ukrainian Constitutionalism on the Threshold of the 21st Century: Problems and Prospects.

Volodymyr Kampo, Associate Professor, Ukrainian Center of Legal Studies, Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University, Head of the Association of Constitutional Law.

This paper describes contemporary problems of Ukrainian constitutionalism. It addresses both the theory and practice of realizing the principle of the supremacy of the 1996 Ukrainian constitution. In the author's view, Ukraine is in fact a constitutional state in which the distribution of state power is guaranteed in different forms, the role of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) is quite significant, and legislation is reviewed to ensure that it does not contradict the constitution, etc. The paper details constitutionalism in different countries as well as the historical process of establishing and developing Ukrainian constitutionalism.

After the adoption of the constitution in 1996, Ukraine became a legal state, in which the restriction of state power and local self-governance is guaranteed in the interests of citizens and their associations. After introducing new constitutional institutions (Accounting Chamber, Ombudsmen of the Verkhovna Rada), Ukraine began to modernize its bodies of state power and local self-governance. Ukraine's "European choice" means that the modernization of institutions of power and self-governance should be based on European standards.

This paper addresses the following issues: the problems of forming a parliamentary majority; political responsibility of party leaders; judicial power as guarantee of citizens' rights; legal responsibility of state officials for the quality of presidential decrees; and the rights of these officials in the event of their retirement, etc.


Ukrainian Constitution in the Contemporary Context.

Vsevolod Rechytskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Constitutional Law, National Law Academy (Kharkiv).

This article touches on aspects of the philosophy of the constitution bearing in mind the difficulties the concept "contemporary context." In the four years since the acceptance of the Constitution, we can only speak about the extent to which it measures up to citizens' emotional expectations.

If we agree that socio-economic growth in society gives rise to creativity and innovation, then we should recognize that the Constitution is not specifically aimed at ensuring this. Stabilizing values are embedded in the Constitution and there is no room for the "collective imagination" of Toffler or the "risk society" of Beck. Since minorities create new ideas and models, society needs legal protection for its "culturally sensitive" zones (Easton).

For this reason, we should be critical of a uni-polar structure of legal regulation over creative processes. The legal system should be transformed from a uni-polar to a bi-polar system where the constitution or another legal document is at the pole of freedom of civil society while traditional legislation appears at the pole of government order. In the event of conflict of freedom and order, constitutional law will "save" civic freedom. It is possible that such a transformation would accelerate economic growth, which will have to be paid for in any case.


The Problems of Restricting Human Rights: International and National Aspects.

Ivan Pankevych, Lviv Department of Human Rights, Law Academy of Ukraine.

The issue of restricting human rights has unique features in Ukraine. First, in this period of the development of a sovereign state, there has been a sudden departure from the socialist doctrine of human rights and thus a strong influence from a natural concept of human rights. Second, Ukraine's membership in the Council of Europe is conditioned by its ratification of the Convention on the Protection of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms as well as other documents on human rights. Third, the legal nature of a certain rights is being rethought and as a result a shift in the limits of these rights is taking place. Fourth, recent legal writing has been addressing the issue of how under certain conditions (mainly economic) certain guarantees for specific categories of people (women, for example) can be transformed such that they limit their rights. One example includes certain facets of labor legislation that make it illegal to make women work night shifts or on weekends against their wishes.

A comparative analysis reveals that the Constitution of Ukraine has fewer grounds for limiting human rights than the Convention on the Protection of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. >From this we can conclude that the Ukrainian constitution allows Ukrainian citizens a broader sphere of possibilities than the Convention.


Towards the Problem of Introducing a Bicameral Parliament in Ukraine: Political and Legal Aspects.

Serhiy Burlaka, Bila Tserkva Agrarian University.

History of the development of bicameralism.
Principles of the division of responsibilities between the upper and lower houses.
Trends in the parliamentary structuring in CIS countries.
Short review of the Ukrainian parliamentary tradition.
Debates on the advantages of unicameral and bicameral parliament in Ukraine.
Causes and grounds for including the issue of a bicameral parliament in the referendum of 16 April 2000.
Sociological analysis of attitudes of different factions in the Verkhovna Rada to this issue.
Results of the referendum on bicameralism and a critical analysis.
Problems of implementing the result of the referendum.
Review of possible ways to implement this decision.
Review of the necessary changes to the Constitution with respect to introducing a bicameral parliament.
The issues of how to form the upper house.
Attitudes of different political forces to bicameralism after the referendum.


Interaction of the Legislative and Executive Branches of Power in Ukraine During a Period of Democratization: In Search of the Optimal Model.

Tetiana Hrozitska, Assistant lecturer, Department of Political Science, Odessa State University.

The paper notes that the conflict in the triangle of power President-Parliament-Cabinet of Ministers is one cause of the political and economic crisis in Ukraine. At the beginning of the 1990s the Verkhovna Rada played the leading role in political life in Ukraine. During this stage the institution of the presidency was gradually strengthened. Up until the middle of the 1990s there was a balance of power between the Parliament and the President. The stand-off between these two structures was caused by the absence of constitutional reinforcement of their respective powers the result of which was a struggle to dominate the political system. The Constitution could not create consensus among the executive and legislative branches and thus reinforced the situation that had existed up until 1996. The paper analyses the experience of developed democratic countries and makes practical recommendations for Ukraine.


The Case for Federalism.

Oleksandr Starukh, Lecturer, Zaporizhzhia State University.

Controversies over regional policy in Ukraine have existed for some time, but many issues remain unresolved. The acceptance of the Constitution provided an intermediary resolution to the debate about whether Ukraine should be a unitary or a federal state. However, it is still necessary to form a clear, realistic model of the relations between the central and regional authorities.
The author analyses a public opinion poll concerning the type of state in Ukraine as well as the programs of contemporary political parties and presidential candidates. Arguments for and against federalism are presented. The current regional policy as well as Ukraine's prospects in light of this current integrative trend are reviewed.


Democratization and Regional Aspects of Transformation in Ukraine.

Nina Brovynska, Mykolaiv.

The state administration system and its corporate nomenklatura have been the main obstacles to economic and political transformation in the state. The model of administration on which the system is built is based on a powerful, vertical command system and the administrative-territorial division of the country. Political reforms have barely affected it. Brutal domination continues.

The growing disparity between regions demonstrates the need for the introduction of a regional policy. It is necessary to consider all the following components in developing a policy of regional development: objectives, principles, institutions, instruments, methodology.

An analysis of indicators of socio-economic development of Ukraine's regions reveals the growing disparity among regions. The author has researched the main factors contributing to the growing gap.

The author addresses the transformation in the relations between the "center and region" and possible actions at the local and national levels. Model scenarios for the development of regions and cities along with corresponding instruments of strategic administration and planning are also proposed.


The Establishment of a Viable Local Community As A Form Of Transformational Democracy.

Vitaliy Zablotskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Donetsk Institute of Artificial Intelligence.

This paper analyses the formation of territorial communities (neighbourhoods), which the author considers an important means of strengthening democracy at the grassroots level.

The author draws on the experience of introducing techniques to create such communities in the Donetsk region (particularly the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts), the results of sociological, social-psychological surveys; as well as material from conferences, workshops, training sessions and round table discussions. The paper argues that transformational democracy can positively influence social life and is an instrument of personal transformation. In other words, transformational democracy can stimulate civic activism through individuals' day-to-day participation in resolving particular problems (most often within an individuals' own neighborhoods).

The paper analyzes the preconditions for, and socio-cultural barriers to, establishing such communities. The author underlines the ideological basis for community strategies, in particular, crisis-prevention ideology, values dimension of democratization, and analyzes the features of an "extreme individual." Finally, the author concludes that local (territorial) communities are an important form of citizens' social and psychological adaptation during crisis (as a form of re-generation of live sociality), as well as essential in making democracy take root in Ukraine.


Social Control over Local Power as a Mechanism of Preventing Corruption.

Yevhen Fishko, Serhiy Verstiuk, Institute of Reforms.

The authors view corruption as one of the main obstacles to the reform and development of Ukraine. The causes of corruption include (1) the features of transformation from authoritarianism and an administrative-command system to democracy and a market economy, (2) specific circumstances in Ukraine. Severe punishment and identifying individual, low-level officials who take bribes is not an effective means of battling corruption. Rather, a targeted activity to rid of the cause of corruption is needed the root of which is the problematic nature of the economic legislation which gives too much authority to bureaucrats to control its implementation as well as how bodies of power are closed to social control because of underdevelopment of NGOs and free mass media.


Consolidated Democracy in Ukraine: the Prospects for Development.

Maryna Shapovalenko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy and Political Science, University of Internal Affairs, Kharkiv.

The democratic transition in post-communist Ukraine has its own features, which influence prospects for the development of a consolidated democracy. The "rules of the game" are as important as the institutional prerequisites for democratic consolidation that have been created during the transition to democracy. Structural factors, historical traditions, established models of behavior and the population's orientation significantly influence these "rules." Consensus should be distributed among the elite, political parties and organizations, while the public should possess democratic values. There are three phases in the institutionalization of democratic norms and procedures as well as building consensus: preparation, decision-making, and adaptation. The shift from one phase to another can take a considerable amount time. The pace and course of development depend on the "rules of the game" of political elites with respect to the main institutions of public power. However, the lack of definition surrounding procedural consensus creates an environment for the de-consolidation democracy and emergence of brutal forms of administration.

Despite the legal guarantees for democratic rules of the game (the Constitution, laws on parties and both presidential and parliamentary elections), from time to time, political elites doubt the necessity of parliamentary and presidential elections, and attempt to introduce changes into legislation and the Constitution. Every document approved is a compromise and every actor attempts to modify it when new conditions emerge. In addition, the willingness to use non-legal means are is a dominant characteristic of the behavior of the political establishment. When an existing competitor transgresses a norm in a contest without rules, distrust in one's rivals deepens which leads to an appeal to democratic norms. Therefore, the phase of decision-making has not yet passed.
The introduction of democratic norms and procedures indicates that there is a definite trend towards creating procedural consensus at the level of the political elite - a rhetoric that the elite uses as a façade. Political elites are inconsistent which perpetuates the lack of definition in procedural consensus.

Theoretically there are several ways the current situation could develop: from authoritarianism to strict delegative democracy or illiberal electoral democracy. On the other hand, favorable external factors could facilitate the gradual consolidation of democracy.


Citzens' Access to Information from Local Bodies of Public Authority: An Analysis of Ukrainian Models and International Norms.

Mykhailo Svirin, Associate Professor, Academy of Public Administration (Odessa).

By "citizens' access to information" the author means the possibility and right of citizens to receive information from any source. "Information of Local Bodies of Public Authority" in accordance with the Law On Information, refers to official documentary information produced as a result of the activities of the legislative, executive or judicial bodies of power as well as local governments. This paper looks at the Ukrainian model of access to information from local government as well as local bodies of executive authorities. The paper addresses the following issues in terms of how they correspond to international norms: sources of the norms for legal regulation of communication in the system; the possibility to obtain, and the rules for providing, information about the activities of local authorities through the mass media; choice of language for communicating with representatives of public institutions; the extent to which problems of access to information of local authorities concern citizens.


Local Executive Authorities and the Public: Trends in their Relations from the Beginning of the 1990s.

Volodymyr Skoblyk, Associate Professor, Department of Modern History, Uzhgorod State University; Institute of Public Administration and Regional Development.

In the nineties, hundreds of civic (non-governmental) organizations were formed and registered in Uzhgorod. A new structure of NGOs according to the number of such organizations and type of activity has emerged as of the middle of 2000.Associations for sport, youth and national culture are the most common type of NGO. This means that in relations with the City Executive Committee, the role of the departments of sport, family and youth affairs, and domestic policy has become more significant.

The increase in the number of civic organizations with small memberships, particularly in the second half of the nineties, has led to a diversity that was impossible to imagine during the Soviet era. However, the majority of these organizations are not functioning; they only create the impression of civic pluralism in the city.

The City Executive Committee has passed through at least three stages in the nineties with respect to its relations with NGOs: 1) establishing contacts; 2) cooling of relations; 3) institutionalization of these relations. The institutionalization of relations between NGOs and the City Executive Committee has revealed how these organizations are in many ways dependent on power. A more equal partnership will be possible only if civic associations unite and obtain support from powerful entrepreneurs who are independent from power.


Power and Society: Interrelations among Institutions.

Volodymyr Salamatov, Senior researcher, Ukrainian Academy of Public Administration.

The conflicts that have overwhelmed contemporary society have aroused interest in the problem of stability, security, organization of social life and have provoked research about the factors of stability and the acceptability of social conditions, the social climate for the individual. During this period of extraordinary difficulty of social processes, decisions cannot be made exclusively on the basis of rhetoric, ideology and reference to the past. These factors are of course part of political discourse. However, political decisions based only on these factors will necessarily be ineffective. For this reason the analysis of the interaction among actors is an important component of democratic government and the construction of democratic institutions.



The Formation of a Legal State (The legal system, protection of human rights, upholding laws).

Yulia Hurdzhi, Odessa State Academy of Law.

The goal of this research is to provide a systematic analysis of the legal guarantees on the formation and implementation of the criminal process for victims during the pre-judicial stage using an instrumental and "motivational-stimulation" approach (A.V. Malko).


State Security Institutions in a Democratic Society.

F.V. Shymanskyi, Associate Professor, National Law Academy.

Issues of legal regulation play an important role in organizing institutions of executive authority. In reconsidering the development of Ukraine's Security Service since independence, we can assert that democratization in Ukraine has had an effect on the activities of the SBU. The employees have withstood the test of professionalism, organization, and commitment to national interests. The legal grounds for the work of the security service have been established. There have been organizational and staff changes.



Section 5: Parties, Elections, Political Communication, Political Elites.


Trends in the Development of a Multi-Party System in Ukraine.

Petro Kraliuk, Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, Volyn State University.

This paper argues that the development of Ukrainian parties has passed through three stages: ideological, authoritarian and clannish parties. During 1990-1992 ideological parties predominated. Ideologically however, most of them were a sham. The absence of a link between party ideology and the interests of particular social groups meant these parties lacked a social basis and were therefore unstable.

This situation gave rise to "single-leader parties" which in turn were more stable and better adapted to Ukrainian conditions. The development of such parties peaked during the parliamentary and presidential elections in 1998-1999. However, because of certain features, these parties cannot be sufficiently powerful and influential. They have been replaced by clannish parties.

The paper also considers how the ideology - authoritarianism - clannishness trend is evident in the activities of Ukrainian parties that surpassed the 4% barrier in the 1998 parliamentary elections.


Influence of Electoral System on the Role of Political Parties in the Development of Democracy in Ukraine.

Volodymyr Fesenko, Kharkiv National University

The electoral system has a significant influence on the development of political parties, one of the most important institutions in liberal democracies. In order to strengthen the role of political parties in Ukraine, the majority system was replaced by a mixed system in which half of the legislature is elected on the basis of party lists.

The parliamentary elections of 1998 demonstrated that as a result of the transition to a mixed there was an increase in the number of party representatives in the Verkhovna Rada. The presidential-parliamentary form of governance and the methods for forming the executive authorities laid out in the constitution do not create a situations where influential parties in the Verkhovna Rada can affect the activities of the executive authorities. Further, the stability of political parties and their fractions in the parliament depends largely on their relations with executive authorities, mainly the Presidential Administration. In these conditions political parties are a subordinate, subsidiary element of the political system. At best, they function as political opposition or a lobby structure, an instrument of political influence, used by various politicians or businessmen.

Increasing the influence of political parties in Ukrainian society depends on the institutionalization and stabilization of the party system. The partial changes introduced into the electoral system do not facilitate this. The introduction of a mixed electoral system has led to an artful "partyization" of the legislature but does not allow for the real influence of parties on society, executive authorities or local governments.


Symbolic Construction of Political Identity.

L. D. Klymanska, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Lviv Polytechnical University.

Individual political identity is formed through political communication. Very few people are actually involved in making macro-political decisions. However every individual can observe how political events develop - in other words be involved in politics through monitoring which the political scientist Edelman called a "parade of abstract symbols."

Political identity develops as a result of two processes: unification and delimitation. Political identity is a symbolic means for uniting with some and distancing from others, an important means for mobilizing agents from the political field.

Symbols are an essential component of political communication. Symbols facilitate the construction of political identity. There are definite trajectories in these processes, which the author reviews in detail.


Mass Media and Public Opinion: The Problem of a Transition Society.

Iryna Nabrusko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Kyiv State Linguistic University.

Mass media is a veritable social force. In all societies, media forms important social relations: horizontally - among social systems (economic and political, religion and science); and vertically - between macro, meso and micro levels of society.

In liberalizing, the state is obliged to create a counter-balance in the form of public opinion. The process of transforming the average observer into a master of his/her own life is particularly difficult for the post-Soviet Ukrainian. This is further complicated by the absence of civic culture and moral clarity. However, a new legal reality is forming. The rights and freedoms of citizens have become the focus of the mass media. Thus, the mass media facilitates the development of democracy in Ukraine.


Media and Elections: the Value Orientations of the Ukrainian Political Press.

Natalia Kostenko, Senior Researcher, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences.

The 1998 parliamentary elections underlined two features of our situation: elections are not the only form of mass participation in politics; and the pre-election situation is not the only manifestation of the public sphere. The public sphere is constructed by the media - press, radio, and television. The media organizes communication among political elites, experts, commentators, and other individuals.

The author conducts a content analysis of the political press (9 publications that represent the entire political spectrum) that participated in the pre-election campaign from December 1997 to March 1998. This enables us to reconstruct the markers of values of the political culture, presented to the Ukrainian electorate prior to the parliamentary elections.


Elections to Bodies of State Power (Organizational-Administrative Aspects).

Ivan Shkurat, Senior Researcher, Ukrainian Academy of Public Administration (Kyiv).

The author considers development and reform of the electoral system during the eighties and nineties. Using the examples of the 1994 and 1998 parliamentary elections and the 1999 presidential elections, the author draws conclusions about the main types of resources required by candidates to be elected to positions in bodies of state power and local administration: personal, administrative; time; money; information; organization. The availability of these resources alongside data about the electorate enables candidates to conduct a successful electoral campaign.


Public Policy and the Problem of Classifying Elites: Theoretical Approaches.

Valeriy Tertychka. Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Poltava State Pedagogical Institute, Doctoral Candidate, Academy of Public Administration (Kyiv).

The author reviews theoretical approaches (typologies) concerning the classification of elites in the process of analyzing public policy. Considering the modular analysis studies of public policy, the author attempts to review the elite approach from the point of view of a typology of elites.

The author emphasizes the necessity of developing "selection mechanisms" for the political elite. Using empirical data, the existence of stable types of elite groups are described as well as other categories of elite groups. The author argues that the concepts of "establishment," "elite" "member of the intelligentsia (ukr. inteligent)" and "intellectual" need to be defined. The paper describes types of administrative, party, and business elites according to their influence on society at the beginning and end of the nineties. The author underlines the significance of education in forming the elite.


The Ukrainian Political Elite and Problems of Democratization.

Maria Piren, Professor, Department of Political Science, Academy of Public Administration (Kyiv).

Ukraine's elite should reflect the multi-ethnic character of Ukrainian society. The members of the elite should be selected on the basis of merit rather than ethnicity. The elite is the conscience of the nation and should be an example of loyalty and patriotism. This should be considered during the formation of Ukraine as a political nation.

The political elite today should be comprised of individuals who understand the spiritual needs of Ukrainians, are involved in generating new knowledge, participate in political life and are actively working on problems connected with the formation of a modern state.

The struggle for the acquisition of power among the elite is rarely conducted in line with commonly accepted norms, which in turn is related to constant tensions, contradictions and conflicts (the average term political leaders remain in their positions is 12.5 months).
Recently, political life has begun to normalize in Ukraine as a result of legalized competition among parties, associations, and movements. Of note is the fact that the key figures of the political elite are not found in the political sphere itself, but in production and administration. To some extent this is a positive feature because even in developed democracies, the administrative and political spheres are closely intertwined. The modern epoch emphasizes the rotation among the intelligentsia and those involved in production in the elite.

The weakness of Ukrainian political elite is evident in the activities of political parties. Although there are many parties, the level of democratization of society is very low. A strong democracy requires a combination of political and legal institutions characteristic of representative democracies.



Section 6: Civil Society.


Problems and Prospects in the Development of Civil Society in Contemporary Ukraine.

Antonina Koladiy, Professor, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Lviv State Polytechnical University.

This article addresses the most important problems of post-communist transformation in Ukraine - the emergence and further development of institutions of civil society as well as changes in social orientation and models of individuals' behavior in Ukraine's regions. The author highlights the institutional aspects of civil society. Defining civil society as a sub-structure of the social system in which a certain number of citizens and voluntary associations and civic values dominate, the author studies the emergence of wide range of community organizations as well as the conditions for an independent media to function. These issues are discussed against the background of Ukrainian historical traditions and the particular features of Ukrainians transition from totalitarianism to democracy. The main threat to civil society is the patron-client relations in protecting interests and the development of an oligarchic political system. The author unites a theoretical analysis with a review of practical problems community organizations face.


Civil Society: Theory and Practice in Confronting Post-Soviet Challenges.

Iryna Pasisnichenko, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Internal Affairs; Victor Pasisnichenko, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Kharkiv Pedagogical University.

Through a critical analysis of the lessons from the recent revival of civil society, this paper addresses contemporary paradoxes in the theory and practice of civil society. It challenges the dominant non-governmental model of civil society, which is often mistakenly considered to be the only authentic model. The authors suggest that a shift to a broader vision of civil society is visible in both the practical needs of civil society actors and intellectual debates about the third sector. Finally, these theoretical assumptions are applied to the case of civil society and third sector development in Ukraine.


The Conceptual Inconsistency of Civil Society in Ukraine and Possibilities of Overcoming Them.

Iryna Stepanenko, Associate Professor, Department of Public Policy, Academy of Public Administration (Kharkiv.)

The problem of conceptualizing civil society is an obstacle to moving from general theoretical reflections to applied research of the state, mechanisms, formation and development of civil society in specific countries. This problem is particularly acute in Ukraine, which is the result of the fact that there has been neither a theoretical nor practical renaissance of civil society. The following theoretical issues are addressed: relationship between civil society and other spheres of social life; the structure of civil society itself; the nature of the relations between civil society and democratic government.

The author concludes that further attention - theoretically and practically - should be paid to the slowness, ambivalence and incoherence of the development of civil society in Ukraine. It is important to address and overcome the widespread insecurity in the future of the society and the inability of citizens to influence the prospects for societal development. This is impossible without the following: overcoming the instability in the social system; overcoming unpredictability and inconsistency of social and economic policy; and changes in the activities of public actors.


Problems of Gender Equality in the State-Building Process: Ukraine and International Experience.

Olha Kulachek, PhD Candidate, Academy of Public Administration, Kyiv.

Equality is a basic condition of democracy. Any society that proclaims to be democratic must provide equal opportunities for all its members. Therefore, equality between men and women is not only a condition of social justice, but also an indicator of true democracy. Women today have experienced certain changes in their social status. They have more opportunities to participate in community life and have their own career. Despite certain positive developments, there is a gap in the status of men and women particularly in the public service. Women rarely occupy the highest posts in oblast and district state institutions and local governments. The transition to democracy in Ukraine provides the foundation for improving the status of women but more targeted measures are needed to make this a reality.


Democracy in Trade Unions in Ukraine (Comparative Study).

Serhiy Horlianskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Modern History, Tavriy National University.

Trade unions in Ukraine do not protect their members and do not have authority because they are not democratic organizations. Many current trade union leaders were former party officials and are not sincere democrats. The appointment of leaders in trade unions is also not democratic. There is a lack of responsibility in trade unions. Union members are insufficiently informed about union activities. The membership in trade unions has remained the same because of inertia and the absence political culture, and practice of members identifying priorities.

The democratic reforms in the Federation of Trade Unions (FTU) is improbable because the movement is characterized by organizational unity and financial stability. The FTU supports gradual development and slow reform. The FTU is incapable of and does not wish to mobilize its member or align itself with other parties or movements. Reforms will be possible if alternative trade unions participate in the FTU leadership. However, their influence on policy is marginal.


Dynamics, Typology, and Features of Confessional Transformation in Ukraine 1988-2000.

Andriy Yurash, Lecturer, Department of Radio and Television, Faculty of Journalism, Lviv National University.

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of reform processes concerning religion in Ukraine. Results are presented using statistical material on three specific features of confessional transformation, which are most clear when set against the backdrop of other social transformations.

The paper also addresses historic, theological, political conditions concerning the emergence and development of new transformations. The author periodizes the changes that have occurred since 1988.



Section 7: Citizens' Preferences, Values and Behavior.


Democracy, Political Culture and Civil Society in Ukraine.

Iryna Bekeshkina, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences.

The author addresses how the main components of democracy are developing in a situation where the necessary pre-conditions are absent.

A multi-party system. During a period when the number of parties has increased, and even in the aftermath of elections where parties played a significant role, public opinion has shifted and is no longer in favor of a multi-party system.

Mass media. In Ukrainian society, media do not fulfill represent a broad range of viewpoints on a certain issue. The lack of freedom of Ukrainian media has been particularly apparent during major political events such as presidential elections, and in the run up to the referendum.

Civil society and social expectations. The loss of hope in democratic means of resolving social problems has lead to widespread expectations that a "firm hand" could resolve all social problems. In general the mindset of the population can be defined as "electoral monarchism."

Specific points where the growth of democracy in Ukraine is evident. The only real hope for the development of democracy in Ukraine is the construction of civil society, which is will be built through the gradual winning back of territory from authorities of control and influence over citizens. Despite negative public opinion about the existence of real democratic institutions, sociological research reveals that for the most part the public is oriented towards democratic values, the need for developing democracy and understands that it is necessary that Ukraine exist as a democratic state.


The Problem of Trust in the Context of Political Culture in Contemporary Ukrainian Society.

O. Kokorska and V. Kokorskiy, Donetsk Institute of Management.

One of the main problems that Ukraine has faced after declaring itself independent has been developing a democratic political culture. The nature of political culture has a major impact on the development of political institutions. Only a civic culture can make democracy stable. In defining cultural values that facilitate the development of democracy, political theorists always refer to trust as a key feature of political culture.
This paper underlines the significance of trust as a major way to stimulate political activity and formulates certain grounds for forming political trust: on the basis of blind faith and ideals proposed by leaders of political movements; on the basis of dynamic relations of the interests of different classes; on the basis of how convincing the political subject is.
The horizontal distribution of trust in the direction of individual - society can facilitate the gradual formation of trust vertically - individual - state, and the potential credibility of power bearers at all levels. If transparency towards society is absent that there can be no trust except perhaps the pseudo-trust of soviet times.



Problem of Political Trust in Ukraine and Canada.

Alla Kovaliova, Associate Professor, History Faculty, Eastern Ukrainian State University.

This paper attempts to conduct a comparative analysis of the problem of political trust in Ukraine and Canada. Political trust is a problem in both countries. However, there are of course certain differences.

This study uses material from sociological surveys conducted by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation as well as material from the Decima Quarterly Report.

The paper discusses different definitions of "political trust" as well as various approaches to studying this phenomenon. The author reviews the most convincing arguments for the decline in political trust in states with established democratic traditions.

The situation concerning political trust in Ukraine is viewed as a transitional model with its own particular features. The characteristics of the development of the Ukrainian state interpreted from sociological surveys are compared with the material of Canadian researchers.


The Formation of Liberal Values during the "Massovization" of Ukrainian Society.

Liubov Mazur, Associate Lecturer, Department of Philosophy, Lviv Polytechnical University.

There have been many difficulties in the democratization of post-Soviet states. The middle class, which is the guarantor of democracy, law and order, is almost non-existent. The excessive concentration of capital has led to criminality and corruption in the state apparatus. The disempowerment of the vast majority of Ukrainians could result in social turmoil. In these conditions, youth could play a constructive role in society. While the older generation (almost 50% of the population) is disappointed with their losses, and favors a return to the Soviet system, the young generation has easily accepted Western values. According to a survey conducted in the Lviv Polytechnical University, 73% of students prefer personal freedom to equality. Values of personal development rated highest on the scale of values.

Contemporary youth are growing up in an environment in which ideological pressure is absent and which has a mass character. This mass character is evident in the erosion of social structure and social mobility and has creative potential as well as negative features. According to the results of the survey, young people are dynamic and actively creating conditions for their own self-realization.

The formation of liberal values is the first step in consolidating civil society. Legal reform, which would facilitate the development of objective-rational behavior, should be the next step in this process. Consolidating a mass society into a civil society is dependent on providing equal rights and opportunities. The idea is not to help those who have nothing, but to create conditions for all citizens so that they can manage their own affairs and take part in social life.


From Politicized Democracy to a Democratic World View.

Andriy Lakovenko, Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Eastern Ukrainian State University.

This paper addresses a number of issues connected with reinforcing democratic principles and values in Ukrainian society particularly among youth. The author argues that the danger of democratic transformation in Ukraine lies in the similarity of the new ideological-religious platforms.

The author underlines the necessity of formulating conceptual criteria to evaluate democracy: democracy as a universal, integrating, intercultural paradigm or a set of values limited geopolitically to the Euro-Atlantic region and Western Christianity (Huntington's approach). The importance of this definition is considered in light of the increase in the number of socially active youth who were born in the Soviet Union but were brought up for the most part on a democratic ideology.

Drawing on data from national and regional sociological studies, the author analyzes various origins of ambivalence that characterizes today's young "transitional generation." The author underlies the need for more profound research on the "pragmatization" of contemporary Ukrainian youth.


The Role of Psychological Factors in the Development of Democracy in Ukraine.

Larysa Ponomarenko, Institute For Teacher Retraining (Odessa).

In the decade since the fall of the USSR, the turbulent development of a market economy and new political realities have cardinally changed Ukraine. New conditions require new behavior patterns which force citizens to change their views. An analysis of the state of social and individual consciousness and stereotypes can help in predicting trends in the development of democracy and civil society, and in selecting certain reference points for the introduction of democratic education.

Successful democratic transformation is dependent on changes in individual psychology, social stereotypes and patterns of behavior - from the position of waiting for orders from a director to the feeling of being the independent, active subject of one's own life and society. The development of subjectivity or individuality can be viewed as the primary goal of democracy education.


The Political Efficacy of Ukrainian Citizens: Do They Believe in Their Ability to Influence Politics and in the Responsibility of Authorities?

Zoya Hrytsenko, Kharkiv State Agrarian University.

Political efficacy is one of the most important features of a democratic political culture. This article studies the level of political efficacy of Ukrainian citizens using both methodology and methods developed by western science. The author focuses on different levels of internal and external political efficacy in a transitional society. The correlation coefficient between political efficacy and support for independence is calculated in this article. Author concludes that at present, Ukrainian citizens have a rather high level of external and low level of internal efficacy. In the author's opinion, further development of democracy in Ukraine will result in the same rate of change of political efficacy as in developed democracies: internal political efficacy will reach a stable high level while external political efficacy will decrease.


Process of Development of Democracy in Ukraine through the Eyes of Youth: (How do Ukrainian students understand and perceive democracy its development in Ukraine?).

Ihor Polischuk, Lecturer, Department of Political Sciences, Kharkiv National University.

This paper analyzes the results of sociological research carried out at the beginning of May 2000 in three leading higher educational institutions of Kharkiv: the Kharkiv National University, the Kharkiv Military University, and the Kharkiv State Academy of Culture. The research surveyed 150 individuals-50 from each institution. The following aspects of Ukrainian students' attitudes were analyzed: perception and rational interpretation of the notion "democracy"; ideological orientation; assessment of political regime in Ukraine; level of trust in bodies of power; likely reaction in the event of the establishment of dictatorship in Ukraine; assessment of level of protection of citizens' rights; value orientations.


Political Preferences and Views on Democracy in the Western Regions of Ukraine.

Yuriy Kuzheliuk, Deputy Head of the Committee on Information, Lviv Oblast State Administration.

For three years, the Lviv oblast has regularly conducted public opinion polls, which enables us to identify trends in public attitudes concerning democratic principles and their incorporation into state-building processes. Political, economic and socio-cultural problems were studied.

These studies reveal that many inhabitants of the Lviv oblast have a favorable view of the prospects for democratic development in Ukraine although the totalitarian past and few successes in the first years of independence have led to a general state of passivity and unwillingness to take part in civic affairs.

In general there are contradictions in the views of the region concerning the prospects for the development of Ukrainian society. These contradictions can be explained by the prolonged crisis and the absence of experience with democracy. It is particularly important that despite economic difficulties, citizens are in favor of a market economy and private property. This means there are good prospects for emerging from a state of political apathy and developing a democratic society.


Ukrainian Women's Organizations as Subjects of State Building at the End of XX Century.
Oksana Yarosh, Assistant lecturer, Department of Political Science, Volyn State University

Women's organizations are understood as subjects in the sense that they are engaged in practical political activity directed at protecting the rights of their members and pursing the goals set out in organizational statutes. The criterion of subjectivity is the ability to act rationally and independently in a way that meets individuals' needs in society. Women's organizations are not subjects by definition. Subjectivity is achieved through organizations' self-affirmation, self-consciousness, and society's recognition of their status and role.

Women's organizations are not in essence political structures. However, their activities in the state-building process are often political since they participate in resolving political problems. Members of women's organizations represent a spectrum of political forces. There is a trend toward the politicization of women's organizations.

This paper develops a classification of women's organizations and movements and makes recommendations for increasing the subjectivity of women's organizations and further development of democracy. By analyzing the stages, forms and methods of the activities of women's organizations, mechanisms for including them in the political system, how they interact with other actors in the state-building process, we can better understand women's organizations as political subjects in contemporary Ukraine

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