Conference Papers 2002

Abstracts:

DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY EDUCATION IN UKRAINE

A collection of papers presented at the 2nd International Conference on the Development of Democracy and Democracy Education in Ukraine.
Odessa, May 2002

This volume incorporates a collection of papers from a conference on the development of democracy in Ukraine held in Odessa from May 24 to May 26, 2002. The conference was the second in a series organized by the Canada-Ukraine Democracy Education Project at which Ukrainian scholars were invited to present and discuss papers assessing aspects of Ukraine's progress on the path to democracy.

The purpose of these research conferences has been to strengthen the sense of community among teachers and researchers interested in promoting the development of education about democracy in Ukraine; to encourage research that will help improve democratic governance and help promote the development of civil society in Ukraine; and to create a body of indigenous scholarship to support the long-term development of a self-sustaining program of education about democracy.

The transition to democracy is a broad process that embraces not only political but also economic, social, and cultural change. Thus, to be properly understood, it requires a multi-disciplinary perspective. The conferences have been intended to encourage this broad form of scholarly engagement.

The papers presented at this conference dealt with both democratic development and with educational policy related to democratic development. They covered a wide range of subjects falling generally within one of 12 areas and it is within the framework of these 12 areas that the papers published here are organized.

• Issues of governance.
• Issues of nation-building.
• The transition to democracy.
• Civil Society.
• Political socialization and political culture.
• Political commuinication.
• Electoral and party Politics.
• Economic issues.
• Issues of social policy.
• Issues of educational policy
• Civic education.
• Foreign Policy.

In deciding which papers should be published our Ukrainian reviewers were guided by the direction that the papers had to have an empirical focus and had to be based on original research or incorporate an original analysis of published research.

I should note that the interpretations and views presented are those of the authors and that the papers are being published as presented at the conference. Some may subsequently be revised for publication, subject to peer assessment, in an on-line journal that the Project is creating.

George Perlin,
Kingston, Ontario.
March, 2003


Abstracts

Index

Click on the title to go to that abstract

The impact of the demographic situation on democratic processes
Valeriy Berezovskiy (Kharkiv)

The nature of democratic transformation in Volyn.
Valeriy Bortnikov (Lutsk)

Democratic transition and changes in the forms of recreation of Ukraine's urban population
Zoya Grytsenko (Kharkiv)

Social work as a factor in the development of civil society.
Nadia Kabachenko (Kyiv)

Obstacles to forming the foundation of civil society at the local level
Yuri Kalyukh, Olexander Titarenko (Kyiv)

The impact of psychological factors on the democratization of political life in contemporary Ukraine
Maria Lohunova (Kyiv)

The role of civic education in the formation of civil society
Serhii Prykhodko (Poltava)

Public philanthropy as a fundamental component of civil society.
Yakiv Rogalin (Donetsk)

The institutionalization of structural vertical relations as a derivative of the construction of civil society.
Olena Sereda (Kyiv)

Civic organizations in Transcarpathia: developmental trends over the past decade (based on the example of Uzhgorod)
Volodymyr Skoblyk (Uzhgorod)

The limits of civil society and the problem of alienation (the Ukrainian case).
Volodymyr Fisanov (Chernivtsi)

The experience of western democracies and multicultural development in Ukraine.
Serhiy Bondaruk (Lutsk)

National identity as a contemporary theoretical and practical problem.
Tetyana Voropay (Kharkiv)

Development of democracy and ethnic processes in Ukraine (at the example of Zakarpattya).
Mykhailo Zan (Uzhgorod)

An undemocratic system of managing the ethno-national relations as a cause of the collapse of the multi-national Soviet Union.
Yuri Kuts (Kharkiv)

Inter-ethnic relations in southern Ukraine in the eyes of local inhabitants
Mykola Nekoz (Zaporizhzhya)

Ethnic self-organization of the Greek minority in Ukraine in the context of democratization of the nationalities policy
Serhii Pakhomenko (Mariupol)

The political dimension of the problem of identities: Ukraine and international experience
Anna Suprunenko (Kyiv)

Religious pluralism and political democracy in modern Ukraine: what is a cause, and what is an effect?
Andriy Yurash (Lviv)

The impact of political institutions on regulating and democratizing business activities.
Dina Vasylchenko (Kyiv)


The hierarchy of values in party programs as political decoration of Ukraine
Serhii Horlianskii (Simferopol)

The nomenclatura oligarchy - a form of political elite in Ukraine.
Oksana Dashchakivska (Radekhiv, Lviv Oblast)

The problem of forming and developing representative institutions of local governance in the Ukrainian political tradition.
Alina Lyasota (Dnipropetrovsk)

Decentralization of state governance and the development of local governance in Ukraine and the French Republic: a comparative analysis.
Valentyn Malynovskiy (Lutsk)

Local governance in independent Ukraine: a decade of achievements and mistakes.
Mark Orzikh (Odessa)


Constitutional guarantees of human rights in Ukraine and established democracies: an attempt at a comparative analysis.
Ivan Pankevych (Lviv)

Psychological resources of administrative reform in Ukraine: a conceptual model and an attempt at empirical evaluation.
Volodymyr Salamatov (Kyiv)

The methodological basis of cooperation between civil and state sectors.
Petro Tsymbal (Kharkiv)

Local governance as an institution of democracy.
Gennadiy Chapala (Kharkiv)

Corruption as a threat to economic and social development in Ukraine
Feliks Shymanskii (Odessa)

An analysis of investment in the Donetsk Oblast.
Olga Anisimova (Donetsk)

Prospects of Ukraine's integration into the EU.
Tetyana Lomakina (Mariupol)

Stages in the democratization of agrarian relations in Ukraine.
Oleh Melnychuk, Oleksandr Mudrak (Vinnytsya)

Reforming property relations in Ukraine as a major factor in institutional transformation and the democratization of society.
Volodymyr Rubanyk (Kharkiv)

Illegal migration in Ukraine: the situation, consequences and prospects.
Oleksandr Khomra (Kyiv)

Pension reform as a component of democratizing Ukrainian society: a historical and economic analysis.
Alina Tsumayeva (Mariupol)

Regional particularities of the electoral process in the Transcarpathian Oblast in 1991-2002.
Mykola Vegesh, Yuriy Ostapets (Uzhgorod)

Development of political image-making in Ukraine (1990-2002).
Petro Kralyuk (Ostrog)

The notion of belonging to the middle class and its role in Ukrainian society.
Svitlana Oksamytna (Kyiv)


Ideological pluralism in Ukraine as a factor in democratizing society.
Maria Piren (Kyiv)

The new configuration of partisan space as a manifestation of democratization of the electoral process in Ukraine: national and the regional dimensions.
Ihor Polishchuk (Kharkiv)

The evolution of the party system in Ukraine in 1989 - 2002: from Ukrainian atomization to European pluralism.
Serhii Troyan (Rivne)

Democratic values in the structure of mass political consciousness: a psycho-semantic analysis.
Vadym Vasiutynsky (Kyiv)

The status of human rights in the value consciousness of Ukrainian citizens.
Emma Gansova, Lyudmyla Kormych (Odesa)

A psychological model of the content of political education of youth.
Iryna Zhadan (Kyiv)

Narrative psychotherapy for the Ukrainian society: a technology of choice.
Zinovia Karpenko (Ivano-Frankivsk
)

The role of myths in politics.
Larysa Klymanska, Maryna Klymanska (Lviv)

Labour self-determination of youth during the democratization of society.
Ivan Kulinich (Lviv)

The dynamics of forming a civic position and liberal values among Ukrainian youth.
Lyubov Mazur (Lviv)

Political identification and the formation of the civic personality.
Valentyna Moskalenko, Natalia Dembytska (Kyiv)

A gender approach as an important factor in the democratization of education.
Lyudmyla Petryshyna (Odesa)

The role of information policy in democratic transformations in Ukraine.
Zinaida Balabayeva (Odesa)

Political advertising as a factor influencing mass consciousness.
Iryna Nabrusko (Kyiv)

PR as an instrument of democratic global governance: the national dimension.
Eugenia Tykhomyrova (Rivne)

Ukraine and Central East European states through the post-communist decade: consolidation of democracy or the reverse?
Vira Burdiak (Chernivtsi)

Postdemocracy.
Vitaliy Zablotskii (Donetsk)

Political stability as a goal of societies in transition: An analysis of democratization and institutional development in the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Ukraine.
Iryna Kiyanka (Lviv)

Trust as a factor in the consolidation of society.
Olga Kokorska, Valentyn Kokorskiy (Donetsk)

Civic competence as a factor in the development of democracy in Ukraine: problems and approximations.
Iryna Stepanenko (Kharkiv)

Regime change and the post-transition syndrome in Ukraine.
Maryna Shapovalenko (Kharkiv)

Ukraine's Foreign policy and regional security of the South East European states.
Natalia Strelchuk (Chernivtsi)

The formation and implementation of in Ukraine in the past decade.
Olena Chaltseva (Donetsk)

Foreign policy factors of anti-democratic trends in the formation of the mass consciousness.
Ihor Charskykh (Donetsk)

The implementation of multiculturalism as an important factor in democratizing education in Ukraine
Oleg Barankov

The state and civil society as actors in the implementation of educational policy
Oleksandr Demyanchuk (Kyiv)

Democratization of education as a crucial factor in the development of a democratic society and the rule of law
Valeriy Dubrovskiy (Sevastopol)

Accreditation of academics and teachers as a mirror of democracy in Ukraine
Serhii Klepko (Poltava)

Democratization of the educational system as a subject of sociological analysis.
Svitlana Marikyan (Kharkiv)

A comparative pedagogical analysis of democratic transformations in education in independent Ukraine
Olena Ohienko (Sumy)

Resolving the problem of academic freedom in the Ukrainian universities in 1990s.
Yuri Rarog (Kharkiv)

Tried as well as we could, but… is there still a chance?
Oleksandr Tyahlo (Kharkiv)

The development and teaching of political science in Ukraine as an indicator of democratic education
Oleg Gabrielian (Simferopol)

On the character and particularities of the development of civic education in schools and universities of Ukraine
Victor Goriachev (Dnipropetrovsk)

The introduction of civic education in Ukrainian schools
Lyudmyla Dukh (Kharkiv)

The place of local governance in civic education: Canada and Ukraine
Ihor Koziura (Kyiv)

The democratization of higher education
Olha Melnychuk (Vinnytsya)

Some aspects of introduction of civic education in Ukraine's universities
Stepan Svorak, Valerii Shtern (Ivano-Frankivsk)

Civil society: educational democracy and democratization of education (coordinates of social modelling)
Andrii Semenov (Lutsk)



Panel 1. Civil society


The impact of the demographic situation on democratic processes
Valeriy Berezovskiy (Kharkiv)

The author discusses some problems of democratization from the point of view of the socio-demographic and political situation in the state. Ukrainian society, which lacks long-standing traditions of democracy and statehood, is at a turning-point in its development. A number of factors can substantially hinder or distort democratic modernization: a blurred social structure; lack of experience of mass participation in democratic procedures; large numbers of people attracted by radical left or right ideologies; and the inability of the current political and economic elite to protect national interests. Another serious factor is the sharp decrease in the able-bodied population and increase in the number of elderly people. Given the continuing economic crisis and consequently low living standards, this phenomenon can contribute to the preservation of obsolete traditions and models of political behaviour. The author analyzes some of the negative consequences of some predictions concerning the current crisis.


The nature of democratic transformation in Volyn.
Valeriy Bortnikov (Lutsk)

In 1989, democratization began in Ukraine. These processes dismantled old political institutions. At the same time, national consciousness grew significantly and as a result, an organized opposition emerged in the form of democratically oriented civic associations and parties. The author analyzes the formation of NGOs in Volyn during the period 1989-2001 and the impact of local authorities on these processes. The author notes that at the end of 1990s in Volyn, overall confrontation among competing political forces was far less tense than in the centre. This phenomenon may be explained by changes in public consciousness, the withdrawal of radical political leaders and their parties from the public sphere, as well as the weak organizational capacity of opposition structures. However, a balanced policy on the part of oblast authorities has been a key factor in maintaining stability in the region.


Democratic transition and changes in the forms of recreation of Ukraine's urban population
Zoya Grytsenko (Kharkiv)

This paper focuses on the following issue: how is the consumption of entertainment and engagement in recreation in large Ukrainian cities changing in the current context of consolidating democratic values? In answering this question, the author uses the example of Kharkiv, one of the largest industrial, commercial and cultural centres of Ukraine. The city has been developing for more than three hundred years and influences not only Ukrainians, but representatives of other nationalities as well in terms of lifestyles, customs and traditions.

The recreational behaviour of Kharkivans is considered a part of cultural traditions connected with social, historical and personal conceptions about a good life. The article is based on the analysis of documents and material collected in newspapers, memoirs and other historical sources. Particularities of recreational behaviour in the industrial period of the city's development city are analyzed in the first part of the article. Special attention is given to the question of how this behaviour was connected with national traditions and the problem alcohol use as a form of recreation. An analysis of the recreation and use of the spare time by Kharkivans in the Soviet period is provided in the second part of the paper. Ideology has been especially influential on recreation practices of the urban population. The last part of the paper presents an analysis of the transformation of urban entertainment in a post-communist city.


 

Social work as a factor in the development of civil society.
Nadia Kabachenko (Kyiv)

This paper focuses on the development of social work in Ukraine and the impact of its institutionalization on the formation of civil society. Social work belongs to the sphere of civil society - to self-regulated structures of contemporary society which serve as a mediator between the individual and the state. Because social work is intended for people with special needs it is characterized by the following:

It provides or promotes the creation of conditions for the realization of individual freedom;
It promotes co-existence and ensures solidarity among different groups in society.

The author also analyses social work as an institution contributing to the development of civil society given its connection with state institutions as well as civic organizations and movements. Many professional social workers choose non-governmental organizations to initiate various programs and projects because in these organizations they are better able to uphold their professional values than in state institutions. The author provides examples of various organizations and self-help groups and draws some general conclusions concerning their activities and potential influence.


Obstacles to forming the foundation of civil society at the local level
Yuri Kalyukh, Olexander Titarenko (Kyiv)

The paper researches the main obstacles in forming the economic foundation of civil society in Ukraine (and in transitional economies in general): the absence of a substantial middle class. The middle class is the guarantor of democratic transformation. It is able to independently maintain its civic position on certain issues and actively defend its economic interests. In the current situation, when large enterprises stand idle and most workers are on unpaid leave, leading to a situation of growing unemployment, the development of small businesses is almost the only way to create new jobs and employ free labour resources. Bribery, bureaucracy, formalism, and irrational decisions by local authorities hinder the establishment of new small businesses. On the one hand, these practices hinder the creation of the economic basis of civil society at the local level while on the other hand they hinder democratic transformation and administrative reform in Ukraine overall.

This paper focuses on the following problems:

The need to audit management decisions in local authorities and increase their transparency to a broad circle of small businessmen;
The need to improve managerial decisions as well as better elaborate a strategy of local authorities and state administrations concerning the use of labour resources in small businesses; the need to create new jobs and improve the working environment for small businesses;
The need for local authorities and state administration to better provide businesses with information on labor resource status in small business and related problems;
The need to establish a feedback between small businessmen and local authorities;
The need to accelerate administrative reform at the district level.


The impact of psychological factors on the democratization of political life in contemporary Ukraine.
Maria Lohunova (Kyiv)

Historical experience demonstrates that psychological factors of social development play an important role in the functioning and change of political power. Many scholars assert that together with economic, social, political, cultural and other preconditions, psychological factors significantly influence the nature, orientation and pace of social transformation. Psychological phenomena always accompany political processes and events. What is going on in society to a large extent depends on human feelings, desires and needs. Well known politicians and philosophers beginning with Aristotle, have always stressed this fact. There is a socio-psychological dimension in the actions of social agents in every phenomenon of social life. This dimension is not always noticeable and not always in the foreground, but it is always present and manifests itself at various levels. An undesirable "construction" for the social environment which does not correspond to its nature can be avoided only taking into consideration the correlation between the efforts of power and the inner developmental trends of society. Metaphorically speaking, Ukrainian society represents a whole complex of sophisticated socio-psychological phenomena which could significantly effect democratization of political life. One is the status of mass social consciousness - in other words, existing stereotypes and orientations, dominant social moods and emotions as well as mentality. Transferred from generation to generation while undergoing certain transformations, these features determine political behaviour and the organization of political life.


The role of civic education in the formation of civil society
Serhii Prykhodko (Poltava)

This paper analyzes the interaction of civic education and civil society. In particular, the author argues that education is an indicator of the extent to which society functions effectively. The main objective of education is not only professional training, but also the formation well-rounded individuals - real citizens. The education system plays a role in determining the optimal model of social organization in Ukraine. A system where civil society is highly developed is the most acceptable and indeed, civic education plays an important role in forming it. Civil society is a conglomerate of non-political, non-state social relations and institutions which enable individuals to realize their rights and interests. The author emphasizes the important role of civic education as part of the process of providing training. Civic education helps prepare the citizen, a responsible individual able to participate in societal life independently who can in turn compare public and personal interests as well as defend her rights while respecting the rights of others. Focusing on civic education raises the issue of active teaching methods. Developing the skills necessary for participating in civic life is an important aspect of civic education. Projects, "round tables", "role-play games", and problem-solving are methods that can be used. In this way, civic education raises the overall effectiveness of education in general.


Public philanthropy as a fundamental component of civil society.
Yakiv Rogalin (Donetsk)

Drawing on the history of public philanthropy [PP] in Ukraine and abroad together with its development in the Donetsk region, the author argues that its role in the development of territorial communities [TC] has been underestimated and that its potential in building civil society [CS] has not been fully exploited. PP may be defined as activities directed towards the development of TC and takes the form of the voluntary and gratuitous provision of resources (finances, assistance, work and services) by organizations and individuals. The possibility of reviving PP and using it to build a genuine social partnership to develop CS can be demonstrated by the Donetsk City Charitable Foundation "Kindness." This organization has attracted over two thousand businesses, trade unions, religious and civic organizations, labour collectives and individuals. This organization's activities have contributed to the strengthening and development of social capital in CS, moderated tensions, increased the level of mutual trust, and have given all a chance to participate in changing life for the better - in other words put their civic values into practice.


The institutionalization of structural vertical relations as a derivative of the construction of civil society.
Olena Sereda (Kyiv)

This paper addresses the formation of social structure in a society undergoing democratic transformation. The author pays particular attention to vertical relations in the social structure which serve to stimulate social development. The author argues that civil society has a clearly determined social vertical dimension, each part of which consists of active social agents whose activities are important in social life. A social hierarchy should be recognized and accepted by all elements in the social structure - participants in social interaction. Realizing the unifying idea of structuring and creating a hierarchy and its conscious acceptance will facilitate the cooperation and interaction of various social groups. The co-existence and co-functioning of various social agents in a single social structure provides the internal driving force for societal development while at the same time act as an external unifying factor of elements of the structure. The author argues that civil society works on such principles.



Civic organizations in Transcarpathia: developmental trends over the past decade (based on the example of Uzhgorod)
Volodymyr Skoblyk (Uzhgorod)

From mid-1992 to mid-2002 a relatively broad-based "third sector" has developed in the Zakarpattya Oblast (especially in its oblast centre) which includes about a thousand civic organizations. (It is worth noting that civic organizations in Transcarpathia are not always non-governmental given the role of top officials in the state administration and local authorities in establishing local civic associations). The number of organizations has increased particularly rapidly over the last five years (1997-2001). Studies conducted in Uzhgorod, the city where civic organizations are most concentrated, reveal an increase in the portion of smaller organizations. This raises the issue of coordinating efforts among organizations with similar interests. The recent growth in the number of youth and economic organizations is encouraging. About a third of organizations in Uzhgorod work in close cooperation with the authorities. In general, during 1998-2001 there has been an increase in the institutionalization of relations between civic organizations and governmental institutions and a simultaneous increase in dependency on these authorities. In 2000-2001, the Transcarpathian Regional Branch of the Association of Cities of Ukraine has stimulated the engagement of individuals and organizations in tri-sectoral cooperation. Advisory committees and public hearings infuse a fresh spirit into inter-sectoral cooperation. The establishment of associations that rely more on businesses independent of authorities could play an important role in the development of civic organizations in general. This becomes possible with an overall improvement in the political and economic conditions in Ukraine.


The limits of civil society and the problem of alienation (the Ukrainian case).
Volodymyr Fisanov (Chernivtsi)

Issues concerning the limits of civil society are being raised ever more frequently in contemporary theoretical work on civil society (R. Darendorf, E. Hellner, J. Habermas). This concerns first of all restrictive factors preventing the development of civic institutions that have emerged from the communist period or have arisen as a result of the formation of civil society. What hinders the establishment of the basic conditions for the development of civil society in Ukraine today? Three factors can be identified. First, there is an unwillingness (and for the most part inability) among representatives of the ruling bureaucracy to become, at least to some extent, active citizens rather than small cogs in an enormous hierarchical machine. Second, currently (with the exception of several cities) there is a lack of cultural and civic momentum, which in turn allows the nomenclatura to manipulate both urban and rural populations. The third important factor is the absence of an economically autonomous individual, which would have a positive impact on the formation of civic activity. But this problem is not clear-cut either. The pursuit of autonomy does not always correlate with a sense of solidarity. Thus, there are certain institutional and natural limits: the state bureaucracy and alienation of individuals from each other; and a deficit of influential actors in civil society. Using the analogy of a tri-legged stool of democracy, one may say that the three legs of the stool are civil society - the economic autonomy of the individual, communicativeness and "citizenizing" of power, as well as enlargement of the field of culture through the force of civic organizations. The main objective is to add active civic communication to the pragmatism of everyday survival.



Panel 2. Issues of nation-building


The experience of western democracies and multicultural development in Ukraine.
Serhiy Bondaruk (Lutsk)

The article provides a comparative analysis of different strategies and models of managing inter-cultural and inter-ethnic relations. The author draws some general conclusions concerning the prospects of using these models in Ukraine during a period of socio-cultural development.


 

National identity as a contemporary theoretical and practical problem.
Tetyana Voropay (Kharkiv)

This paper provides a critical overview of the three leading approaches to understanding national identity - primordialist, modernist and post-modernist. The author argues that each approach has certain flaws. The author critiques these approaches both for strictly theoretical reasons, and for their usefulness in serving as a clear guide for the development of the Ukrainian political nation during a period of democratic transformation and globalization. Special attention is paid to the post-modernist discourse of identity and its conceptual potential.


Development of democracy and ethnic processes in Ukraine (at the example of Zakarpattya).
Mykhailo Zan (Uzhgorod)

This article deals with the ethnodemographic, ethnopolitical and ethnocultural situation in Transcarpathia (1989-2001). The author presents the main results of ethnographic studies as well as an ethno-sociological survey on the issue of the ethno-identification of Ukrainians in the region. Transcarpathia is the only region in Ukraine where until the late 1990s a natural increase in the population was observed and the flow of emigration accelerated only in the mid-1990s. On the one hand ethnodemographic processes in the region reveal an increase in the Ukrainian population. On the other hand, the number of Hungarians, Russians, Germans, and Jews has decreased; representatives of these groups have tended to emigrate to the states where their ethnic group is the titular nation. The development of pluralism together with the CPU regime has resulted in a unique phenomenon in Ukrainian ethnopolitics - ethnic Rusynism. An analysis of archival materials and oral testimonies reveals that the problem in the Transcarpathian Oblast CPU Committee was created artificially. At the same time, the Hungarian national minority, with its demands for the revision of the state border and creation of an autonomous district, has become more active. Simultaneously, Ukrainian civic and political organizations in the oblast have opposed the efforts of Hungarian associations to establish a memorial sign in the Veretsky pass in 1996. However, in the second half of 1990 these phenomena proved to be artificial. Ethnopolitical controversies have been settled by ensuring the representation of national minorities in local authorities (by proportion of the overall population) and through regular coordination of the oblast state administration with cultural organizations. For this reason, the author argues that with respect to ethno-cultural relations, democratization has been effectively realized. Ethnic and religious problems are gradually improving in Western Ukraine as national minorities form their own civic organizations, national languages are taught in school, and cultural life develops through programming on TV, the radio and in the press. An ethno-sociological survey together with the author's field ethnographic materials indicates that most respondents identify themselves with their ethnic group through traditional "markers": language, traditional culture, history. The Ukrainian population views "Ukrainians" and "Rusyns" as part of the same ethnic group. Gradually, marginality is being overcome. This can be demonstrated by the low level of support for ethnic Rusynism among youth and the expanded use of the Ukrainian language in education among both Ukrainians and representatives of national minorities.


An undemocratic system of managing the ethno-national relations as a cause of the collapse of the multi-national Soviet Union.
Yuri Kuts (Kharkiv)

This paper addresses the system of managing ethno-national relations in a totalitarian multi-national state (using the example of the Soviet Union) in which the lack of democracy was one of the causes of breakdown. The author demonstrates that the nationality issue was one of the major factors that weakened the multinational Soviet empire. The paper analyzes how ethno-national relations in the former USSR were managed.

First stage. Destruction of the Russian Empire in 1917 and creation of national states and various autonomies; their coercive annexation to Bolshevist Russia. Joining all newly established national states into the USSR and establishing a unitary totalitarian Soviet Empire.

Second stage. Management of ethno-national relations was made subject to attaining the objectives of Gorbachov's Perestroika (1985-1991). The CPSU had to recognize the fallacy of its course to accelerate the construction of a classless and nationless society and the falsity of its proclamation of developed socialism.

Third stage. Management objectives become more democratic in the framework of the new national states. This demonstrates that the Soviet policy on nationalities based on a theory of the merging of nations, the construction of nationless society with a class-internationalist ideology is doomed.


Inter-ethnic relations in southern Ukraine in the eyes of local inhabitants
Mykola Nekoz (Zaporizhzhya)

Harmony among different ethnic groups is a key factor in maintaining civic peace and consolidating Ukrainian society during a period of deep economic crisis and transition from totalitarianism to democracy. The large number of ethnic groups concentrated in the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine draws attention to the problem of inter-ethnic relations. This paper uses data obtained in sociological surveys conducted from 1992 to 2001. The author pays special attention to the relocation of Crimean Tatars and representatives of other peoples deported by the Stalinist regime as a factor in inter-ethnic relations. The author argues that Ukraine's nationalities policy should protect the rights of both ethnic minorities and the Ukrainian ethnic majority which has been weakened by the centuries-old policy of russification. Ensuring the recognition and construction of Ukrainian statehood can ease tensions in ethnic relations. Despite the apparent stability of inter-ethnic relations in southern Ukraine, the potential for open conflict exists. Ukraine needs a balanced, scientifically grounded ethno-national policy, as well as a separate law on the national and cultural autonomy of ethnic minorities. It is also important to recognize Crimean Tatars as an indigenous people of Ukraine. Many inter-ethnic problems could be eased through improving the economic situation, better meeting the needs and requirements of the national majority and ethnic minorities, as well as observing provisions of the current Constitution.


Ethnic self-organization of the Greek minority in Ukraine in the context of democratization of the nationalities policy.
Serhii Pakhomenko (Mariupol)

This paper addresses ethnic self-organization of the Greek minority in Ukraine from the 1980s until the present. The democratization of the nationalities policy has been a major factor in the national and cultural revival of ethnic minorities, including the process of ethnic structuring. The paper has two parts. The first covers the period from the late 1980s to 1991 and describes the formation of the legal basis for the existence of ethnic minorities. Special attention is paid to party documents as well as Soviet and Ukrainian legislation on the right to establish national-administrative units. The development of the movement of Ukrainian Greeks is analyzed against the backdrop of changes in the nationalities policy. The author outlines the stages in the development of the movement and characterizes Greek communities by region. The second part of the paper deals with the period 1991-2002. The formation of the policy on national minorities is outlined. The author then describes the features of the Greek movement in independent Ukraine. The evolution of organizations, goals and objectives is outlined. The author characterizes the structure and functions of the National Greek Association. Finally, the paper describes the behaviour of Greek communities in the 2002 electoral campaign.


The political dimension of the problem of identities: Ukraine and international experience.
Anna Suprunenko (Kyiv)

Legitimization, or the political recognition of various identities, is important in contemporary Ukraine for theoretical and practical reasons. Instability and the tensions in social life further exacerbate this problem. The ontological status of identities - in other words the foundation, principles and mechanisms through which they are formed require further study in order to identify those which may provoke collisions and acute conflicts in society. A study of the gnoseological status of identities will determine which methods and techniques may help to control the process of identification. The purpose of this presentation is to draw attention to the political dimension of the problem of identity, to show that current challenges (globalization, mobility of individuals and groups, etc.) mean that new approaches to identification should be developed, and to demonstrate the relevance of this problem in Ukraine.


Religious pluralism and political democracy in modern Ukraine: what is a cause, and what is an effect?
Andriy Yurash (Lviv)

At first glance, the traditional view on the correlation between religious pluralism and political liberalism appears evident since the majority accepts that changes in Ukrainian political life over the last ten or fifteen years have been a necessary precondition for transformation with respect to religion. However, a closer look at the situation reveals that the development of religious pluralism has not always unambiguously depended on the domination of principles of political pluralism in society. Reviewing Ukrainian history one can easily find instances when a level of formal or real pluralism with respect to religion exceeded achievements in the political realm. Thus, we cannot conclude that the level of the religious freedom depends on the level of democratic development in society. The events and a character of development in the political and religious spheres over the last fourteen years provide further evidence of this. We need to pay attention to the thesis that actual (spontaneous) religious pluralism in Ukraine (in the context of its historical development and modern formation) was and still is among the preconditions which influence formation of contemporary political pluralism in Ukraine.



Panel 3. Issues of governance


The impact of political institutions on regulating and democratizing business activities.

Dina Vasylchenko (Kyiv)

There is no generally accepted definition of business. An American academic, professor Robert Hisrich defines business as "a process of creating something new which has value" and a businessman as "a person who spends all his time and efforts on it, assumes all financial, psychological and social risk, gaining money and satisfaction with what is achieved as a reward." American educational and academic literature provides numerous definitions which characterize business and businessmen from an economic, political, psychological, managerial or other perspective.

State intervention in the economy has certain functions. As a rule, it corrects "imperfections" inherent in the market. The state assumes responsibility for creating equal conditions for competing businessmen, for effective competition, as well as limiting the power of monopolies. It also ensures the production of a sufficient quantity of social goods and services because the market mechanism is unable to adequately meet collective human needs.

Free business is the basis of economic development and progress in democratic states. Administrative reform in Ukraine envisages the creation of a favourable environment for development of business. Providing for the development of, and support to, business is currently one of the priorities of Ukraine's economic policy. The formation of a market system is related to the growth of business activities in all sectors of the economy. A successful transformation from an administrative-command economy to a competitive market-based system is not possible without state assistance based on democratic principles. Indeed, free business activities are possible only in a democratic society, where both private property and the rights of business actors are secured.
The development of small and medium business has been identified as a strategic priority for Ukraine's government. The goals of business development are:

To create a favourable climate which would facilitate the formation of new businesses in the state;
To increase a number of people who are willing, have the necessary skills, possibilities and motivation to start their own business.

State support to small business has been provided by state and regional small business support programs which have been adopted as legislation.


The hierarchy of values in party programs as political decoration of Ukraine.
Serhii Horlianskii (Simferopol)

Research on political parties, elections, political communication and political elites are closely related to studying people's preferences, values and behaviour. For this reason, Ukrainian citizens' attitudes towards the concept of democracy in the eyes of the elite, and the place of democracy among other value categories used by political parties is particularly important. The large number of political parties in Ukraine enables us to conduct a comparative content-analysis of programs, ideological principles, political and economic platforms, electoral statements, principles of activity, and statutes. In analyzing program documents, it is useful to consider word-forms as indicating the importance of value categories. The frequency of occurrence of 84 value categories was analyzed although this list is not exhaustive. The task was also simplified by presence of only two languages: Ukrainian (27 documents) and Russian (8 documents). The author concludes that most political parties are positive about democracy. Most of the political elite considers democracy attractive for the Ukrainian people. Although programs are only a decorative façade for parties, they are directed at people's perception carry positive democratic values of civil society.


 

The nomenclatura oligarchy - a form of political elite in Ukraine.
Oksana Dashchakivska (Radekhiv, Lviv Oblast)

A historical, although artificial combination of internally contradictory systems will ultimately result in the destruction of such systems. The formal introduction of democracy is the catalyst for destroying such a system. Democracy leads to increased political activity in a nation and thus to the formation of certain political principles which result in pluralism and the possibility of choice. These arrangements however, have to be continuously reconfirmed through the participation of the population. The nomenclatura oligarchy existing in Ukraine could "explode" and the time of this "explosion" may be set by us. The explosion of this system will be the moment when Ukraine will become a genuinely democratic state. The nomenclatura oligarchy is the result of totalitarianism. How long it will last depends on citizens who must get rid of political stereotypes and become familiar with democratic procedures. The people needs to mature to become an independent subject of law and politics; then it will be able to develop the state.


 

The problem of forming and developing representative institutions of local governance in the Ukrainian political tradition.
Alina Lyasota (Dnipropetrovsk)

A representative system including local governance plays a crucial role in the interrelation of civil society and the state. The author discusses Ukraine's political experience and traditions of forming institutions of local governance. According to the author, a system of local governance was established and improved in Ukraine in the 1990s which for the most part meets European standards. Only the electoral system at the level of settlements and the right of the Verkhovna Rada to dissolve representative bodies of local governance are subject to revision. However, the main problem is the creation of real opportunities for institutions of local governance to realize their powers - in other words local budgets.


Decentralization of state governance and the development of local governance in Ukraine and the French Republic: a comparative analysis.
Valentyn Malynovskiy (Lutsk)

This paper addresses problems related to the decentralization of state governance and the development of local governance in Ukraine - necessary components of democratization and the formation of civil society. The author analyzes the experience of decentralization, regionalism and local governance as well as features of the organization of power at the local and regional levels in France. The author argues that Ukraine's current model of local power should be modernized along the lines of the French system of local governance in order to ensure democratization, optimal coordination of overall state objectives and interests while attending to the differential development and needs of various regions.


Local governance in independent Ukraine: a decade of achievements and mistakes.
Mark Orzikh (Odessa)

The last decade has been historical for local governance: the state and the general public have recognized its importance; it is mentioned in the Constitution; and it has a serious legal foundation and extensive experience. However, alongside achievements various socio-political, legal and scientific mistakes can be observed. This paper analyses these mistakes.

For instance, as a result of the aspirations of institutions of local governance to achieve a higher social status, an unprecedented upside down pyramid of power has formed. The alternative to the distorted structure of centre-region relations would be the constitutionally formulated decentralization of power retaining controllability of the state. In other words the sovereign rights of the state should be transformed into self-governing rights of territorial communities while two levels of public power - national and local - should be provided for. This would allow for a diversified model of territorial governance and relations with institutions of local governance, the division of power between levels and subsystems of public power, and a legal framework for the operation of power.

The author discusses a mathematical model of a state-region system of public governance (using Odesa, Izmail, Reni, Pivdenne, Teplodar). In modelling these relations, a technological regiment for optimum management of the process of interacting with centres of power (state and local governance) is formed. The author emphasizes the need to make relevant changes to Ukrainian legislation to ensure that local governance in Ukraine is not only a right, but the "real capacity" of a territorial community to deal with its problems. These changes will contribute to the development of municipalities - the final goal of municipal reform.


Constitutional guarantees of human rights in Ukraine and established democracies: an attempt at a comparative analysis.
Ivan Pankevych (Lviv)

This paper addresses the problem of constitutional guarantees of human rights in Ukraine. One of the main advantages of a democratic system is its ability to guarantee the protection of human rights. Having conducted a comparative analysis of mechanisms for protecting essential human rights and freedoms in Ukraine and established democracies, the author concludes that although the Constitution sets out guarantees of human rights, it is largely declarative in character. Indeed, it is merely window-dressing given the current difficult economic situation in our state and the absence of legal culture. For this reason, constitutional guarantees of human rights are of low priority in the formation of civil society and the state even though the Constitution identifies them as a priority and recognizes a human being as the highest social value.


Psychological resources of administrative reform in Ukraine: a conceptual model and an attempt at empirical evaluation.
Volodymyr Salamatov (Kyiv)

The author presents a methodology for researching the socio-economic and socio-psychological conditions for conducting administrative reform as well as the results of a multi-level evaluation of the preparedness of administrative and managerial personnel to participate in the reform of public administration in Ukraine. To evaluate the psychological resource of innovation in the system of public administration, a system of additional empirical parameters has been used:

Understanding the need to transform state administration.
Organizational culture and the role of politicians in determining the position of an individual in the organization; a system of interests and values of social actors related to the job and professional activity.
Programs of actions at the national and individual level related to implementing administrative reform.
Motivation of social actors to participate in administrative reform.
Professional competence and efficiency of administrative and managerial activity.
Adaptation potential, styles of perception and behaviour with respect to work-related stress.
The paper presents results of the evaluation of psychological resources of administrative reform and forecasts its future development.


 

The methodological basis of cooperation between civil and state sectors.
Petro Tsymbal (Kharkiv)

One result of active cooperation between citizens and police has been the establishment of a strong partnership based on the distribution of participation, responsibility and equality. It also envisages meeting the militia's goal of teaching people to participate in protecting order and preventing crime through specific mechanisms: a consultative committee and implementation of various programs of crime prevention which envisages the involvement of a broad circle of civic organizations. The role of voluntary organizations in protecting civil order should grow while their functions should broaden depending on their activities, professional level and the social need for their activities. The partnership serves the interests of civic associations because it increases their influence and creates safe conditions for carrying out their missions. The joint work of police and citizens has had a positive influence on top police officers and has broadened the social control of public organizations. The mutually advantageous partnership contributes to democratic development and limits certain political forces that often try to use the police and public structures in their interests (especially true in transitional societies). The expansion of activities of associations to protect public order will increase situational and social crime prevention. In general, the development of transparent police-public cooperation has had a positive effect on formation of civil society in Ukraine.


Local governance as an institution of democracy.
Gennadiy Chapala (Kharkiv)

This paper discusses the development of the institution of local governance in Ukraine in the post-Soviet period. The author compares this with the situation which existed in the USSR. The role of local governance as a democratic institution is based on the ability of the local population to deal with issues of local importance. This paper addresses the legal basis for this institution and its relationship with other concepts of democracy. The author analyzes the normative and legal regulation of local governance as well as progress achieved during the last decade. This includes the creation of conditions for citizens to influence the decision-making process at the local level. The author also identifies obstacles to the further development of this institution and discusses problems requiring resolution in the near future.


Corruption as a threat to economic and social development in Ukraine.
Feliks Shymanskii (Odessa)

Last year, Ukraine celebrated its 10th anniversary of independence and its return to Europe and the world community as an independent and sovereign state. Ukraine has not only become a "real" state, but also an important factor in geopolitical and European processes. It is conducting economic, political, humanitarian and social reforms and is pursuing its own path of development. In this paper several conclusions are drawn concerning the status of democracy in Ukraine and obstacles to the country's economic and social development. It is well-known that democracy is the best social order. However, there are many problems with the way in which we are building a democratic society. The majority of Ukrainian citizens pose the following question: what is democracy like in general and what should it look like in Ukraine? A brief glance at the Constitution reveals that it is democratic. However, nowadays people are even more destitute than before. For more than 10 years Ukraine has independently sailed the ocean of the world economy. However, it is impossible to speak about any achievements when UN has included us in a list of the poorest states in the world. Results of a sociological survey conducted by M. I. Melnyk, M. I. Kamlyk, Ye. V. Nevmerzhytskiy, P. T. Biletskiy allow us to conclude that the problem of corruption in Ukraine is no longer a strictly legal issue but has turned into a serious political problem which has been detrimental to the international position of our state and its political image in the world. It is not surprising that people demand the dissolution of parliament, the dismissal of government, or call corrupt officials to account for their actions. Corrupt institutions of power are not only an insult to people, but also destabilize the socio-political situation which could cause a crisis of power leading to economic and social upheaval.



Panel 4. Economic issues


An analysis of investment in the Donetsk Oblast.
Olga Anisimova (Donetsk)

The author analyses investment in the Donetsk Oblast and in Mariupil, describes problems, and makes recommendations as to how to increase investment activity. The results reveal a radical change in the quality and quantity of investment before and after the adoption of the law "On special economic zones and an investment regime in the Donetsk Oblast." A description of phenomena through formalized mathematical methods and models is used as well. The author focuses on the following issues: the development of the economy of the region through the implementation of reconstruction programs; the creation of the most favorable investment climate; the development of institutions promoting structural and investment activities; and concentration on priorities for regional investment resources. The author determines the Donetsk proportion of the total amount of foreign investment in Ukraine as well as resources required to increase this proportion. Obstacles to investment and a forecast concerning further development of the Donetsk Oblast and the city of Mariupil are indicated.


Prospects of Ukraine's integration into the EU.
Tetyana Lomakina (Mariupol)

This paper deals with the major stages in European integration, theoretical aspects of Ukraine's integration into the European community, as well as particularities and advantages of joining the WTO. The author outlines characteristics of the initial stage in the development of Ukraine-EU relations as well as problems and prospects in the development of integration processes.


Stages in the democratization of agrarian relations in Ukraine.
Oleh Melnychuk, Oleksandr Mudrak (Vinnytsya)

This article reviews the democratization of agrarian relations in contemporary Ukraine based on an analysis of legislation, general and specialist literature. An analysis of agrarian relations in the former Soviet Union provides grounds to justify radical changes. The authors outline the main features, objectives and functions of land reform. The paper emphasizes the stages in the reform of agrarian relations. The authors view positively the adoption and enforcement of the new Land Code of Ukraine (25.10.01) which marked a new stage in the democratization of agrarian relations. The authors argue that despite some difficulties, there have been significant achievements in the agrarian sector. Although this may not be evident in terms of economic indicators, democratization of agrarian relations are apparent in changes in the psychology of landowners.


Reforming property relations in Ukraine as a major factor in institutional transformation and the democratization of society.
Volodymyr Rubanyk (Kharkiv)

This paper argues that the significance of the institution of property rights which is forming in contemporary Ukraine to develop the economy has been caused by a number of circumstances: 1) the optimal organization of a system of property rights in Ukraine provides an incentive for restructuring and enhancing the efficiency of the economy; 2) the structure of property relations which has developed in Ukraine historically was determined by specific characteristics of socio-economic and political development; all specific legislative concepts and models of state regulation of property relations should proceed from this; 3) one of the key conditions of investment in the economy needs to be strict normative and legal regulation of property relations where the rights of both Ukrainian and foreign citizens will be sufficiently protected by the law; 4) a model for regulating property relations is evolving in close connection with economic and social progress. Their regulation by the state also needs to be nuanced; 5) a model of normative and legal regulation of property relations at the macro level is one of the institutional components of positive economic growth; 6) certainty and stability rather than permanent changes in the distribution of powers of the owner is of primary importance for a functioning market economy.



Panel 5. Social policy


Illegal migration in Ukraine: the situation, consequences and prospects.
Oleksandr Khomra (Kyiv)

This paper characterizes the status, consequences and future of illegal migration in Ukraine. The paper focuses on the illegal migration of foreigners. The illegal migration of Ukrainian citizens abroad to work is included in the analysis only with the purpose of better understanding illegal transit migration. Illegal migration develops because of territorial differences in conditions for population reproduction. The limited possibility of immigrating legally to developed states inevitably leads to significant flows of illegal migrants. Concepts of management of the migration of the population which are based on giving priority to national interests (associated with state interests) contradict neoliberal conceptions of freedom of movement and the freedom to choose one's place of residence. It is obvious that the state is unable to manage migration processes without violating democratic principles. That is why states have to declare and partially realize the principle of the freedom of movement at the expense of limiting the rights of their citizens.

The author elaborates the main causes of the concentration of transitional migrants in Ukraine. An attempt is made, based on the improvement of existing methods, to determine the number of illegal migrants in Ukraine as well as incurred economic, social, medical and demographic losses. It is argued that at the current stage and in the near future, a decrease in number of illegal migrants will occur only by giving priority to national interests. However, the immigration service should be separated from the law-enforcement authorities to allow for upholding liberal-democratic traditions.


Pension reform as a component of democratizing Ukrainian society: a historical and economic analysis.
Alina Tsumayeva (Mariupol)

This paper analyzes fundamental problems which need to be resolved by communities and the government during the development and introduction of a new pension system that would meet national needs. The author reviews the development of pensions in Ukraine from the launch of the system to recent changes since independence. Drawing on global experience, this paper outlines the main aspects of pension reform in Ukraine and describes the establishment of a three-level system of pension provision: solidarity system, general mandatory accumulative system and a voluntary private accumulative system.



Panel 6. Parties and electoral policy


Regional particularities of the electoral process in the Transcarpathian Oblast in 1991-2002.
Mykola Vegesh, Yuriy Ostapets (Uzhgorod)

The study of electoral systems and processes is one of the priorities of contemporary social science. Elections are necessary for the existence of a democratic society and are citizens' main form of political participation. Although national level research is conducted often and systematically, at the regional level such studies are more rare. The authors analyze electoral processes in the Transcarpathian Oblast. The research methodology employed is based on three major theoretical models of electoral behaviour developed by American researchers in mid-1950s (sociological, socio-psychological and rational-instrumental) as well as a methodology which was used for the first time by A. Campbell to study factors influencing voter behaviour and called "a cone of causality." The authors analyze factors influencing elections at five conditional levels: foreign, political, national, regional, small social groups, and the individual psychological characteristics of voters.


Development of political image-making in Ukraine (1990-2002).
Petro Kralyuk (Ostrog)

Since the late 1980s, Ukraine has undergone major political evolution which has contributed to development political image-making. Parliamentary (1990, 1994, 1998, 2002) and the presidential (1991, 1994, 1999) election campaigns represent significant stages in this process.

During the 1990 Verkhovna Rada elections and the 1991 presidential elections, Ukrainian politicians did not pay much attention to political image-making. In most cases they created their images intuitively. In general, the opposing stereotyped images of a communist-conservative and a democrat-progressive had formed in Ukrainian society at that time. The latter proved to be more advantageous.

The 1994 parliamentary and presidential elections did not represent a significant step forward in development of the political image-making although some innovations were observed. The contrasting images of communist-conservatives and democrats-progressives lost their significance. Images of "the man of business" (first of all, lawyers and economists), "industrial manager", became more advantageous. The image of "industrial manager" created for L. Kuchma was a significant factor in his victory in the 1994 presidential elections.

The 1998 Verkhovna Rada elections marked an important turning point in development of Ukrainian political image-making. This was the result of the fact that half of deputies of the Verkhovna Rada were elected according to party lists. Parties that wanted to win faced the problem of forming an image attractive to voters. The 1998 elections demonstrated that it is possible for a party to overcome the four percent barrier if it manages to create an attractive image and conduct a successful advertising campaign. An example here is the Green Party.

During the 1999 Presidential elections, relatively little attention was paid to advertising candidates and creating images since from the start it was obvious that all chances of victory lay with the current President L. Kuchma. At that time, a scenario which had already been tested by Russian image makers was successfully used: a democrat-progressive (reformer) against a conservative-communist. "The Russian image-making factor" entered the Ukrainian politics.

The 2002 Verkhovna Rada elections have been interesting for development of Ukrainian political image-making. Of course, more comprehensive study is required. However, we can already draw some tentative conclusions for image-makers. First, Ukrainian voters are now more conscious of their political sympathies or antipathies. Second, these elections demonstrated the low level of trust in mass media, including electronic media. Third, the trend of personalizing political forces was clearly observed. The image of the leader to a large extent determines the image of the party. Fourth, the precise positioning of political forces was strengthened by communication during an event. And, finally, fifth, the 2002 elections demonstrated that the current political situation in Ukraine has several visible differences from the political situation in Russia. For this reason, the experience of Russian image-makers should not be overestimated (as well as, by the way, the experience of image-makers from other states).


The notion of belonging to the middle class and its role in Ukrainian society.
Svitlana Oksamytna (Kyiv)

Recent transformations in post-Soviet states have been accompanied by socio-structural transformation, the formation of new groups and communities, changes in social stratification and have resulted in the formation of new statuses and roles, marginalization, as well as changes in social identity.

Sociologists have developed numerous concepts of class and class configuration for use in empirical research. Attempts to analyze social class in post-Soviet Ukraine have been quite successful, particularly through applying Goldthorp and Right's schemes of social and class structure to identify the position of adult citizens in the social structure. Unfortunately, Ukrainian sociology has neither developed an original framework for understanding social stratification in Ukrainian society, nor conducted comprehensive research on this issue.
Given the absence of representative studies of social stratification using economic, social and cultural characteristics, individuals' notions about their position in the social structure are analyzed using fragments of various studies or, more often, representative public opinion surveys.

The author argues that the majority of adult Ukrainians have identified their position in the social and class structure. Individuals simultaneously use a number of names of classes and groups, traditionally used in both Soviet society and developed countries to identify an individual's class affiliation. The intelligentsia, businessmen, managers, production and white-collar workers are most often considered part of the middle class, which differs from the official definition of the composition of the middle class.


Ideological pluralism in Ukraine as a factor in democratizing society.
Maria Piren (Kyiv)

Ideology is a system of values which expresses an attitude to the existing social order, substantiates political ideals, principles, norms, goals, and behavioural patterns. Ideology exists at both the international, local and regional levels. Through ideology, political forces formulate goals and identify means for realizing them. According to Gramsci, ideology serves awaken the collective will of the people. The German sociologist Mannheim emphasized the negative side of ideology - calling it fraudulent. Ideology concerns consciousness. The philosophical and psychological understanding of the consciousness is premised on the analysis of consciousness as a phenomenon.

Contemporary Ukrainian scholars view consciousness as a certain value which is not a chaotic conglomerate of ideas, knowledge, notions, images, and feelings. It is a internally differentiated, structurally and compositionally shaped integrity. Various structural elements both substantial and procedural, various levels of awareness (reflexive and areflexive), as well as various levels consciousness (everyday, empirical, theoretic, etc.) can be distinguished. The categorization of forms of consciousness into individual, collective, group, class, mass, societal, global and political has become conventional.

Consciousness can be characterized as follows:

The ability to accumulate knowledge about the surrounding world cognitively (sense, recognition, memory, thinking, imagination);
Strict fixing in the subject's consciousness, or differentiation of the human "I" and "not-I";
Ensuring purposeful human activity - consciousness forms a target for activity;
The presence of certain attitudes or feelings toward someone or some aspect of this person.

A state cannot exist without ideology and ideological institutions, the purpose of which is to reproduce ideology in mass and individual consciousness. In contemporary society, the only ideology which can ensure stability in the state and an adequate level of material and spiritual human life is a democratic system of values based on political pluralism, a free market economy and the equality of citizens before the law. Adopted in western society, this system of values is maintained by a developed infrastructure of political socialization, the means for reproducing democratic political culture. This system has been accepted by Ukraine (declaratively).
Developments in Ukraine in the near future will depend on which social group will act as the leading force politically and ideologically. It would be most beneficial for Ukraine if the political avant-garde is being were formed by a number of groups. They would form a core of the future political nation, and develop a unifying ideology, a democratic ideology which would contribute to the construction of the state and civil society.


The new configuration of partisan space as a manifestation of democratization of the electoral process in Ukraine: national and the regional dimensions.
Ihor Polishchuk (Kharkiv)

Using Kharkiv Oblast as an example, the author analyzes four main stages in the development of the contemporary multi-party system in Ukraine: preliminary (1990-1991), post-communist (1991-1994), the stage of formation (1994-1998), and contemporary (1998-present). The author highlights the current intensification of the establishment of new parties and the formation of a mega-multi-party system. There are 126 registered parties representing all aspects of the political spectrum. The paper also analyzes the results of the 2002 parliamentary elections at the national and local (Kharkiv Oblast) levels.

The author contends that the first goal of the newly formed Verkhovna Rada should be the adoption of a law on the parliamentary majority which would increase the effectiveness of legislative activity and accelerate the structuring of the parliament.

A new stage in the development of the party system began after the 2002 elections to the Verkhovna Rada and local councils because the Law "On Political Parties" requires the re-registration of parties which will result in a substantial decrease in their number. Parties not meeting the stipulations of this law will have their registration cancelled. Thus, it is expected that existing political parties will expand their ranks.


The evolution of the party system in Ukraine in 1989 - 2002: from Ukrainian atomization to European pluralism.
Serhii Troyan (Rivne)

This paper addresses the transformation of the party system in Ukraine. The author identifies five stages in the formation of Ukrainian statehood and their influence on the evolution of the party system and the political spectrum. Among several conclusions drawn by the author, the two most important are as follows: first, the clear division of the parties into relatively strong left (first of all, Communists) and right (the Our Ukraine bloc) wings indicates how the party system in Ukraine is evolving into a system based on the polarized pluralism found in western states; second, there is an overall negative attitude towards the atomized status of the party system. For instance, according to data published in the second half of December 2001 by the Ukrainian Razumkov Center of Economic and Political Studies, 45% respondents are against a multi-party system in Ukraine whereas 40% are for it; 58% think that there should be no more than 5 parties in Ukraine, 23% - from 5 to 10 parties, and only 0.5% - over 100 parties.



Panel 7. Political socialization, political culture


Democratic values in the structure of mass political consciousness: a psycho-semantic analysis.
Vadym Vasiutynsky (Kyiv)

The content of mass political consciousness in Ukraine is largely determined by individuals' attitudes towards reforms, the problems of statehood and national revival and the authorities. These factors have provided the basis for modelling the political and semantic space of contemporary Ukrainian society which reveals trends in its development. Society, which in 1994 was substantially left (anti-reformist and pro-Russian) has gradually shifted to the right, and for the first time in 2001 for it became reforms-oriented and patriotic.

Citizens' attitudes toward the authorities and reforms are of particular interest for those interested in the extent to which citizens are democratically oriented. Democratic values do not have an overall weight in mass consciousness and can be distinguished as a separate factor only in the consciousness of the democratic elite. Most citizens are indifferent to these values or demonstrate superficial approval in words only.

Citizens' attitudes towards power and the authorities is ambiguous: on the one hand they have a very negative attitude towards the existing authorities; on the other hand, they think that the people needs strong, efficient and psychologically close authorities. We can conclude then that society is ready to submit to "a strong hand". 90% of Ukrainian citizens support this view. Only 8-10% have the capacity participate in or oppose the authorities. However, they form the socio-economic foundation for democracy. Democracy is thus too fragile in our transitional Eurasian society.


The status of human rights in the value consciousness of Ukrainian citizens.
Emma Gansova, Lyudmyla Kormych (Odesa)

This research addresses the problem of discord between democratic transformations in Ukraine and social protection as well as between social and legal protection. This contradictory political situation is reflected in citizens' values and preferences reflected in public opinion. Public opinion is a key institution of civil society. In view of this situation, democratic values have not become dominant in public consciousness during the last ten years. In this paper we identify one of the specific features of Ukraine's transforming society. Values concerning family, health, and material well-being form the core of the value structure today. The inability to meet these existential needs generates a sense among citizens of having been subject to discrimination. Sociological research reveals that human rights are violated in ways particular to post-Soviet democracies. According to respondents, the poor as well as certain as certain age groups (youth and pensioners) are most discriminated against. These conclusions are especially important for the activities of charity organizations in Ukraine and elsewhere. The material status of citizens which does not meet European and international standards should be considered a violation of human rights by the state.


A psychological model of the content of political education of youth.
Iryna Zhadan (Kyiv)

The author describes her view on the psychological principles that should underlie the political education of youth. The suggested psychological model for the content of political education is based on a system of individual attitudes. The main effects of political socialization are identified. These are of current importance for the development of political culture in Ukraine and therefore should be the focus of political education. The author identifies the psychological conditions under democratic political culture can be formed and realized through a system of political education.


Narrative psychotherapy for the Ukrainian society: a technology of choice.
Zinovia Karpenko (Ivano-Frankivsk)

This paper deals with the use of narrative psychotherapy as a way to optimize an individual's political choice. Considering the long absence of statehood in Ukraine, problems concerning national identity mean that narrative psychotherapists can play an important role in re-thinking and re-interpreting the historical past from a more optimistic point of view. Some results of empirical research on trends in the neurotic content in the values of different groups are presented. This material proves the need for the rehabilitation of individuals' defensive neurotic patterns through reconstructing their experiences of participating in the political process. The article presents materials that can be used to develop effective ethno-cultural narratives with the goal of conducting an electoral campaign, presenting Ukraine in the international arena, and introducing new educational projects.


 

The role of myths in politics.
Larysa Klymanska, Maryna Klymanska (Lviv)

This article addresses one aspect of political identification - role myths, particularly those with respect to "the father", "the hero", "the saviour", and "the tsar". Political identification may occur through identifying with a political leader or through influential political myths. Based on prototypical attributes connected with the notion of a leader, the authors try to trace the operational development of a politician's (or leader's, in general) charisma in connection with four archetypal forms: "the hero" (heroic charisma); "the father" (paternalist charisma); "the saviour" (missionary charisma); and "the tsar" (majestic charisma). These archetypes of leadership may be characterized in the following way.

"The father". The image of the father is associated both with "a despotic father-master" and with "the father-benefactor" for whom all those around him are his children. In a society where patriarchal notions prevail, the father is a prototype of the creator - father and unrestricted master. As despotic master, he is prudent, strong, all-knowing, great and all-powerful, stable, and reliable. As a father of "all his children", he deals with his surroundings carefully, with understanding, forgiving all mistakes and sins. However he may also treat them cruelly, demonstrating his power and ability to punish.

"The hero". The archetype of the hero is thought to be the most famous and widespread throughout the world. A hero is the youthful opponent to an old father; he embodies courage and hardiness gained through battle - what the father himself represented long ago. The hero is, however, endowed with supernatural power; he follows his own path, overwhelming all his enemies, gaining recognition and approval of those around them and, ultimately, attaining immortality. He submits to no one; he realizes a collective dream of power and freedom; he is self-sufficient and distinctive even in his fantasies; he is strong and powerful. A hero is always grandiose.

The authors discuss the hero myth as the most widespread in political mythology, discuss its structure, major elements, and modern permutations of this myth.

"The saviour". "The saviour" is a type of a charismatic renovator, a magician who turns everything existing into the best possible. He sets the masses on the right path, breaks their "arbitrariness", and makes them an obedient tool. He uses charisma to bring about voluntary submission.

"The tsar". The archetype of the tsar is a major character in Western European fairy tales. The coronation is the final dramatic act of the hero's coming of age. Noble origins do not play any role here. Moreover, an ordinary person can rise to the mightiness of a tsar by realizing his talents.

The archetypes underlying role myths in politics allow us to differentiate various forms of symbolic management utilized in analyzing political culture.


Labour self-determination of youth during the democratization of society.
Ivan Kulinich (Lviv)

This paper deals with the issue of labour self-determination of youth. The author defines labour self-determination and its role in the democratization of society. It is necessary to consider objective and subjective factors in this process. The author provides data from a sociological survey conducted among school and university students. The author outlines a framework for the formation of labour and professional goals in career-guidance at school and further educational activity in university.


The dynamics of forming a civic position and liberal values among Ukrainian youth.
Lyubov Mazur (Lviv)

Economic reform and democratization depend on the consolidation of a new value system and a shift from paternalist behaviour to behaviour premised on the search for new survival strategies, independent choice and individual responsibility. The majority of those able to adopt an active live are young people. The high educational level in society increases the competitiveness of young people in the labour market, makes them more flexible and able to master new kinds of economic activities such as business.

The development of the shadow economy and expansion of corruption has undermined trust in socio-economic transformation and led to passivity among citizens. A comparative analysis of sociological surveys conducted in 1998 and 2001 among students of the Lviv Polytechnical University reveals this trend. Researchers have observed a decrease in activism and a well-developed personality among these students. Simultaneously, hedonism and a desire "to live as everybody else" are more prevalent. The desire "to live only for one's family and children" is increasing.

If in the past 73% students were sure that their future depended only on them, now every second doubts this. One in four places responsibility for his or her future on his parents' or relatives' shoulders (three years only 3% of respondents felt this way). In 1998, 44% of students hoped to become private entrepreneurs whereas now only 6% are willing to do so.


Political identification and the formation of the civic personality.
Valentyna Moskalenko, Natalia Dembytska (Kyiv)

This paper addresses the political socialization of students. The authors argue that the main mechanism in forming a civic personality is through political identification. The advantages of integrating two theoretical approaches to the formation of civic activism are emphasized; a theory of social representations; and a theory of social identity, according to which political views, individual and socially-developed forms of political knowledge, play a key role in forming the "self" of a citizen. During political socialization, knowledge about the functioning of political institutions, as well as an individual's role as a subject or object of politics becomes an inalienable part of an individual's political consciousness, and, as a consequence, cognitive structures determining the identification matrix of the citizen. Empirical research demonstrates that the low level of civic activism among Kyiv students is the result of cognitive factors such as the low level of political knowledge and young people's concept of themselves as a passive object of the power-subject relations.


 

A gender approach as an important factor in the democratization of education.
Lyudmyla Petryshyna (Odesa)

One of the most important goals of the education system is to facilitate the development of civil society in Ukraine. The changes that occurred in the early 1990s expanded possibilities for introducing contemporary approaches to guaranteeing women's right to education - a human right and an instrument for achieving gender equality in society.

In terms of legislation, Ukraine is on par with international standards. However, there are significant discrepancies between legislation and reality - including in education and science. The high level of education among Ukrainian women does not mean their potential is used effectively in society. The "glass ceiling" still prevents women from advancing in business, politics, and the public service.

Introducing a gender analysis of socio-cultural phenomena into the humanities and social sciences is an important step in forming effective policies guaranteeing equal opportunities for women and men. The introduction of elective courses on gender problems in some higher educational establishments is contributing to the attainment of this goal. For instance, elective courses such as "Gender policy in Ukraine", "Gender and culture", "Women in Ukrainian history", "Woman in society: gender aspects" have been developed at the Odessa State Economic University. However, the dismissive attitude towards gender issues and research is still a serious problem. In Ukraine, gender research as an inter-disciplinary area of knowledge has not been identified as a separate scientific field.

Drawing on a variety of sources, the author contends that the introduction of a gender approach is a necessary condition for democratizing both society and education.


 

Panel 8. Political communication


The role of information policy in democratic transformations in Ukraine.

Zinaida Balabayeva (Odesa)

The democratic character of change in countries in transition largely depends on the nature of the information policy in these countries. It is universally recognized that a solution of the systemic crises requires increasing efficiency in use of all kinds of resources, including the informational one.

A peculiarity of development of Ukraine is in the fact that the political transformation process has coincided with the information revolution, which became a shock for many people. Diversity of information, its amount, lack of legislative control created a lot of problems for the weak state and the society in general. A process of formation of the information policy in Ukraine is painful and, it seems, still in its initial stage.

The state information policy received a new momentum only recently due to realization of the need to deepen democratic transformations, to build the information society in Ukraine as a main condition of its political and socio-economic development, preserving a positive image of the state and its status in the world.

A practice realization of the state information policy in contemporary Ukraine requires solution of a series of problems, from psychological campaign to support its main provisions in the public opinion, its justification, to solution of the questions of its technical and technological provision, problems of information security of the society and individuals, realization of its social consequences.


Political advertising as a factor influencing mass consciousness.
Iryna Nabrusko (Kyiv)

A civilized civil society begins, when the autonomy of the independent thought is restored.
A supreme criterion of the information order in a society is the fact that each citizen is informed, or that each one has an information "supply", which quantity and quality create necessary and sufficient conditions for a correct orientation in the reality and a choice of an adequate decision in all spheres of life - from choosing a goods to choosing a president.

A contemporary Ukrainian should finally undergo a stage of "political infantilism" and distinguish between the populist myths and real propositions on dealing with the state's problems. Indeed, modern political myths are a serious political tool of coming to power. They are based on real problems, which people should solve anyway. And in this respect, political advertising is a powerful creator of the mythologized world.

A system of political views of a person, which does not deal with the politics professionally, may be seen as a product developed by a political elite. An individual gets (or is imposed to) this product, and it becomes incorporated in the individual's system of views as the political ideology related to his or her need as a citizen to participate in making certain political decisions.

Commercialization of politics is not a new phenomenon. The political advertising is broadly using an experience of its commercial analogue. Unfortunately, mass media do not perform the tasks of political orientation and articulation of interests of the social groups.

One can hold that such political advertising would be efficient in contemporary Ukraine, which will draw the ways of approaching such lifestyles, which people would like to protect.


PR as an instrument of democratic global governance: the national dimension.
Eugenia Tykhomyrova (Rivne)

Peculiarities of development of democracy in conditions of globalization of the modern society are analyzed in this paper. Democratization is considered as one of the global problems of high priority, without which establishing of the global society is not possible.

An author sees the main task of the transnational democracy in neutralization and provision of development of the democratic global governance which is interpreted as a certain decentralized formation, containing elements of the world political system and the global civil society and is aimed at neutralization of the negative aspects of globalization and provision of development of the democratic global governance.

A significant role in formation of the democratic global governance belongs to the public relations, which is a part of the modern democracy, and which contribute to its fuller realization in the practice of social life at the global and national levels.

Analyzing a status of information of the public by the state institutions of Ukraine, the author indicates positive aspects and unsolved tasks in this area, suggests a system of measures to implement information democracy in the life of the Ukrainian society, with its important component of a system of public relations of the Ukrainian power structures.



Panel 9. Transition to democracy


Ukraine and Central East European states through the post-communist decade: consolidation of democracy or the reverse?
Vira Burdiak (Chernivtsi)

This article deals with the problems of development of Ukraine and Central and Eastern European states in the post-totalitarian period. The analysis of changes in CEE states enriches and defines more precisely Huntington's notion of "the third wave of democratization". The years around 1990 saw wholesale transformation of the CEE countries manifested in the breakdown of the international communist system. The revival of old parties and movements and the rise of new ones, informal organizations, the establishment of genuine freedom of speech and press, democratic values, free elections - these factors that put an end to socialism opened up the possibility of developing democratic political systems and democratic political culture in those states.

Using scientific methods of comparison and conflict studies, the author, drawing on empirical evidence, demonstrates that the transition to democracy has its peculiarities in each CEE state. Some have already achieved some success in consolidating democracy (Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic); other states have just started this process, and in some states, for a variety of reasons (military and ethnic conflicts, etc.) the issues of democratic transformation and state formation are on the agenda.

It is thus too early to speak about the consolidation of democracy as a completed process. For most of CEE states this is the only path of development. Difficulties and "natural" problems of the transition can be resolved through democratic progress and the achievement of economic stability. In this case there is a growing role for the West in supporting transformations and encouraging the states in their integration with western society.


Postdemocracy.
Vitaliy Zablotskii (Donetsk)

Democracy is a metaphor, not a "noun", but "adjective". Its interpretation should be sought at the attributive, but not essentialist, level. A contemporary "post-humanity" must criticize the principles of the "old democracy", which is disappearing and has long separated from the humanity. The right is further giving up to the power and force, basic principles of the "democratic society" are permanently eroding and ruining. On our view, a transition is taking place to the postdemocracy - "instrumental", "technological", "administrative" democracy, which purpose is to hide real (totalitarian, strengthened by cyberiocracy and telematic means) mechanisms of power.

The global supra-power structures of power become tougher - politics of most of the states is a derivative from decisions made by such hyper-structures. As any societal status is, in fact, a transition to another one (and a form of the permanent social experiment), the democracy in general may be seen as a developed by the humankind form of mastering changes; a conscious reaction to these changes through participation, consolidation and redistribution of the human social energy; a form of educating the social intellect and so on.

The democratic reflections are relatively (partially) adequate with regard to stale sociums with high living standards and an efficient system of social amortizations. An aspect of a relative freedom of liberalized societies does not mean that authoritarianism (totalitarianism) of the state machinery is overwhelmed in these societies. Moreover, in the contemporary conditions, the totally infocratic and military force of the state is growing. A limited nature of democracy is especially manifested in the inter-state relations, where no democratic values were able to get rooted. The world is forming as an imbalanced structure of shifts and unstable equilibriums, when a possibility of efficient use of democratic approaches and procedures is, in fact, brought to minimum.


Political stability as a goal of societies in transition: An analysis of democratization and institutional development in the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Ukraine.
Iryna Kiyanka (Lviv)

A question of political stability is a universal question of the political thought in general. It is especially topical in the conditions of a crisis, which is demonstrated by a practice of the contemporary political regime in states in transition on the example of Poland, Czechia, and Ukraine.

As in the soviet times stability had been considered only in the framework of the official ideology, real mechanisms of its research and dynamic characteristics remained underdeveloped. It is important for research of this problem that for a long time stability has been seen as a model of economic prosperity in the former Soviet Union states. And concerning the political life in the state and a sphere of international relations, this category was based on a strategy which may be called "activity without sharp corners."

Models of logic analysis, methods of analogy of events and political situation in the states of post-communist development since 1989 were used in studying patterns and trends of a process of achieving stability. A comparative analysis of stages of democratization and institutional development of the political system in Poland, Czechia and Ukraine was conducted.


 

Trust as a factor in the consolidation of society.
Olga Kokorska, Valentyn Kokorskiy (Donetsk)

One of the results of the ten years of existence of the Ukrainian state is lack of solution of the problem of the socium consolidation. This situation is proved by an extremely low level of trust not only to political institutions, a course of economic transformations conducted by the government, but to their compatriots as well.

Comprehension of transformation processes in Central and East European states which entered a path of democracy, demonstrates their traumatic character for the society. Peculiarities of the latter are reflected, in particular, in a concept of the cultural trauma suggested by the Polish American sociologist P. Sztompka, which allows analyzing factors influencing a pace, prospects, quality of social changes in the transformational socium.
Basing on the mentioned theoretic approaches and on the concept of the "social capital", authors aim at studying a role of trust as a factor of consolidation of the society. In the suggested paper, an emphasis is placed on the importance of broadening its interpersonal dimension and formation of the culture of trust in a transformed socium.

Basing on the analysis conducted, authors come to a conclusion that a society at the level of citizens should understand a possibility of solving economic, social and even everyday problems through spreading trust not only to the closest surrounding, but also to those outside its circle. Indeed, the human activity is the most efficient in a community or organization consolidated with trust and reciprocity. At the same time, such comprehension requires further strengthening through more efficient actions of the authorities, their observance of democratic procedures.


Civic competence as a factor in the development of democracy in Ukraine: problems and approximations.
Iryna Stepanenko (Kharkiv)

Numerous scholars mostly agree about recognition of correlation between the viability of democracy as a certain political model and a corresponding level of the political competence of people. Such correlation is recognized regarding both the states with established traditions of democratic institutes, and regarding the "new democracies", where people only learn the principles of democratic life. In the states of the latter type, questions of the civil competence are especially important, as they are one of the starting points of the processes of democratic transformation of the society. A paper is dedicated to discussion of some of such problems of formation and development of the civil competence. An author analyzes Robert A. Dahl's views on the correlation of the model of the ideal citizen and the idea of the common good. Ideas of application of such model in Ukraine are discussed. A problem of combining a model of the ideal citizen with a certain theoretical and/or practical model of democracy is studied. Finally, a survey of the specific components of the civil competence is provided.


Regime change and the post-transition syndrome in Ukraine.
Maryna Shapovalenko (Kharkiv)

A post-transition syndrome is the reactions both at the level of elites, and at the level of the population, to the accepted rules of the game, to results of their use, as well as vacillating and ambivalent legitimacy of new institutions. A post-transition syndrome is an indicator of the completion of a phase of decision-making regarding activities of political institutes on certain procedures and norms. Several electoral cycles (which are a necessary component of the consolidation of democracy and a component of the regime changes) have passed, including the two last ones (1998 and 2002) in accordance with the principles of a mixed system, which, undoubtedly, hinders formation of a party system in the state, permitting thus the politicized bureaucracy to manipulate both parliamentary factions and weak political parties, which rise according to its scenarios.

Despite certain ambivalence of legitimacy of existing political institutes (do not trust, but take a chance to use) says for a thesis about a post-transition syndrome, which indicates beginning of routinization of the accepted political rules and procedures (a test for their strength has been passed to some extent during the political crisis), from one side; from the other side, their flaws become obvious, and main political actors are ready to change them, and there is already a general understanding of a vector of these changes on the basis of the conflict solution procedures that are already accepted. Without a series of such microconsolidations during regime changes, establishing of a sustainable political system and, as a result, consolidation of democracy, which would allow dynamic development of all other sectors of the society, are not possible.



Panel 10. Foreign policy


Ukraine's Foreign policy and regional security of the South East European states.
Natalia Strelchuk (Chernivtsi)

A breakdown of the USSR and the socialist camp resulted in formation of the new geopolitical centers, new actors of international relations and a whole set of new geopolitical factors which significantly influenced the situation in South East Europe. Having proclaimed a course towards "return to Europe", post-socialist states of South East Europe very cautiously treated Russia, which they identified with the USSR and the communist regime. Russia concentrated on its relations with the USA and the West and has not demonstrated any initiative to establish better cooperation. Regarding Ukraine, at the beginning of 1990s it could possess a special position in the region, having used its geographic, economic, cultural, psychological closeness to its south neighbors, but it has never happened. This may be explained by the general uncertainty of the foreign policy course of our state and its years-long wait-and-see attitude and thus constant balancing between interests of others - the USA, Russia, EU, NATO, IMF.

Due to political instability, permanent opposition of pro-Russian and pro-American orientations, accusations in illegal trade with arms, increase of illegal emigration and other reasons, an image of our state in the South East European states is poor. However, a potential of our state, one of the biggest in Europe in terms of the territory and population, is still unique. Even in the conditions of limited political and economic resources and dominating orientation towards joining the Euro-Atlantic structures in the states of the region, Ukraine is still able to strengthen its positions here. The most effective for development of Ukraine and its economy is a realistic approach to renewal and strengthening contacts with the South East European states in the area of economy, culture, education, as well as formation of the well-grounded positive perception of our state. It is also important to develop relations with all important forces in the South East European region (the USA, Russia, West Europe, Turkey, Greece and others) and regional and international organizations. A success of these steps largely depends also on the internal factors - activization of truly democratic, and not pseudo-democratic, transformations of the Ukrainian society.

Ukraine's potential to influence the global situation is obviously very limited, but it has not lost a chance to become one of regional leaders in South East Europe. If our state dares to accept this role, it will turn into an important partner to EU and NATO in the south-east direction.


The formation and implementation of in Ukraine in the past decade.
Olena Chaltseva (Donetsk)

Having gained its independence in 1991, Ukraine, as a new full agent of the world policy, had to build its independent foreign policy doctrine taking into consideration those changes which took place in the world and in this geopolitical region in particular. A paper studies stages and peculiarities of the process of formation of the foreign policy doctrine of the Ukrainian state. Development of a totally new level of political communication with those strong states which influence Ukrainian economy and policy was an objective priority for Ukraine. Both external factors influencing formation of the Ukrainian foreign policy, and domestic factors influencing Ukraine's status in the world politics, are discussed. A conclusion is made that a strategy of the foreign policy of Ukraine is being formed in the conditions of a difficult transitional process and consolidation of democracy, faced by the state at the current stage.



Foreign policy factors of anti-democratic trends in the formation of the mass consciousness.

Ihor Charskykh (Donetsk)

An author poses a question whether the "world democracy" today does not step upon the same rake as the French democracy at the beginning of the 19th century, when, having come to the Central European states as a liberator, it had to leave them because it behaved as an aggressor?

An environment for accepting democracy in Ukraine is characterized as contradictious. Democracy is often accepted here as an exclusively western idea. Formation of a critical mass of the political culture, the civil society, is extremely slow here. It also turned out that democracy is not so simple thing as to operate it, act and live in it. One should know and understand a lot. A gap between the expectations and fruits of democratization seems very deep in Ukraine; unemployed and poor demand not democracy, but work and living means, and the international assistance and investments are channelled not as much to the "new democracies", as to the "old dictatorships".

A sense of being deceived forms grudge to the "global democracy" in general and Ukrainian democracy in particular in the mass consciousness. Most of intellectuals are against the Ukrainian modification of quasi-democracy, where ""oligarchs" dominate, moral virtues are separated from the success, competence - with the power. To an ordinary observer, the world democracy either shows up as the American President at the height of a sex scandal, or is personified as a too demanding director of IMF, who insists on reducing programs of social protection of population, deregulation of extractive and transportation sectors and further curtailing of funds for health and education.

Inequality of Ukraine as a participant of a system of international relations is of a great significance, too. A lot of our people are not happy with a subordinate status of their state in a system of the world economy or, as anti-globalists say, in the global feudalism of the new economy.

Results of the foreign influence on the elections in Ukraine and the prospects for eliminating or weakening external factors of antidemocratic tendencies in formation of mass consciousness are evaluated. A key role of formation of the real civil society, use of the new opportunities in the international relations as a result of the EU expansion in the context of globalization is stressed.

The research is based on the monitoring of mass media in 1994-2002 and analysis of surveys conducted in 1999- 2002 by the Razumkov Centre, the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the Centre of Peace, Conversion and Foreign Policy of Ukraine with a constant comparison of empiric data with theoretic postulates of the liberalism regarding a freedom of choice, accountability of the power to its voters and transparency of the political process.



Panel 11. Policy on education


The implementation of multiculturalism as an important factor in democratizing education in Ukraine
Oleg Barankov

An optimal way of the social development of contemporary Ukraine in the national and state aspect is formation of the modern political nation embracing not only ethnic Ukrainians, but representatives of other national and cultural groups living in Ukraine for a long time as well.

Democratization of education on the basis of multiculturalism envisages revision of the whole system of education, improvement of the legislation, a character of teaching school subjects, training of pedagogic staff, change of relation in the area of education.

A conclusion is made that legal acts regulating a sphere of education, completely lack separate parts or articles which would directly and specifically deal with the issues of establishing and functioning of schools for minorities (except for articles which guarantee a right for education in general and several provisions of the Law about Languages in UkrSSR, which do not completely correspond to the current Constitution of Ukraine).

Not only local bodies, but teachers themselves often lack understanding of complexity and importance of problems of interethnic relations. Realization of principles of multiculturalism in education cannot be brought to teaching their native language to children from minority groups or to introduction of a special subject on multiculturalism in all schools of Ukraine. This leads to a problem of developing programs and writing textbooks on multiculturalist ideological grounds, re-training of teachers, introduction of the new teaching methods, etc.
An author suggests ways for democratization of education on the multicultural basis, mechanisms and means of implementing multiculturalism in the education.



The state and civil society as actors in the implementation of educational policy.

Oleksandr Demyanchuk (Kyiv)

A main function of the state governance in the democratic society is to develop and implement public policies. In the ideal political system, voters have to elect not as much the state power, as the state governance - goals, values and principles underlying public policies.

According to theoretical principles of the analysis of the public policy, it should be coherent, have a strict hierarchy, according to which the whole process of its implementation is conducted from top to bottom, and have an adequate instruments, or a system of means to pass decisions, monitor their implementation, correct plans and measures, engage necessary material and human resources, evaluate implementation policy.
This paper analyses possible ways and sources of formulation of the problems which provide a basis for the educational policies in Ukraine, as well as a "weight" of various actors and their functions in implementing the educational policy. Qualitative methods of the public policy analysis were used for this purpose. A comparative table of indices of ability of various educational policy actors in the post-communist states and established democracies to influence its content and implementation.

The author comes to a conclusion that an absence or a low level of the civil societies in the post-communist states distorts a structure of actors in implementing the public policy; this concerns not only education, but also any other area of social activity. Formation and realization of the public policy in the post-communist states is almost exclusively concentrated in the hands of the top executive and, to some extent, legislative powers. They are initiators of development and implementation of the new public policy, raise and distribute necessary resources, coordinate observation of interests of various economic and societal sectors, and, finally, evaluate success of their own activity.

Such main characteristics of the public policy as its publicity, transparency, continuity, as well as raise and use of resources for its implementation and realities of post-communist states in provision of these characteristics are discussed.


Democratization of education as a crucial factor in the development of a democratic society and the rule of law.
Valeriy Dubrovskiy (Sevastopol)

The paper deals with the problems of educational policy of our state at the current stage in the conditions of democratization of the public life and attempts to democratize the content and management methods of education. Democratization of education is considered through the prism of sociological research conducted in eight regions of our state and dedicated to the right of pupils of secondary schools for education in the broad understanding of this, most important, right. This analysis is organically combined with a parallel to the situation in universities. This system leads to a conclusion on the necessity of democratization of education. In this regard, the civic education as a staged and comprehensive system is considered as a priority direction of the democratization of the society through the democratic education. In this context, the foundation course on democracy is a promising and priority direction in the system of the higher education.


Accreditation of academics and teachers as a mirror of democracy in Ukraine
Serhii Klepko (Poltava)

The author studies an institutional development of the Supreme Attestation Commission of Ukraine (SACU) and its influence on the process of democratization in 1992-2002 comparing to the situation in the developed sustainable democracies basing on the analysis of politics, institutionalist and socio-economic approach. The author generalizes issues of discussions about SACU and determines periods of its development as a socio-political institute and a guarantor of the structure of a "sinecure society" inherited by Ukraine from the past. A notion of the mirror institute is introduced, a parasitic social organization performing controlling functions without any productive ones. Exploiting a natural need of the postindustrial society in the "educational self-defense" and trying to preserve an inefficient for the society institute, SACU in an arbitrary way introduces its own "laws" of growth of the knowledge and hinders democratic development. Ways of possible transformation of the attestation system are studied: democratic correction; complete liquidation of SACU (import of the western forms of conferring academic degrees), democratization and increase of requirements to the level of dissertation, provision of a transparent financing of research activities as a real mechanism of the SACU reform. According to research results, conclusions and recommendations are formulated which are topical in the light of the institutional changes of "transitional" Ukraine.


 

Democratization of the educational system as a subject of sociological analysis.
Svitlana Marikyan (Kharkiv)

A paper deals with a contradictory character of transformational processes in the Ukrainian educational system. From one side, it is characterized by accessibility of the general and mandatory education, gender and social equity in getting the higher education, a high quality of professional training, etc. From the other side, its model corresponded to the ideological concept of the state education, requirements of the centralized planning system of management.

It is also stressed that reforming of the educational system takes place in the conditions of the systemic crisis, which led to recession of production, high inflation, unemployment, mass spread of poverty, which gives rise to a high social tension in the society.

The author indicates problems and analyzes current system of management in education and its financing by the state. In general, the budget base of the Ukrainian education is virtually destroyed. It is characterized by a low level of assignments to the mandatory education (43% of all state expenditures for education), extremely low level of salaries of education workers. All that leads to the outflow of professional from this sphere.
The author indicates several directions of reforming of the institute of education, which may increase a probability of realization of transformations.


A comparative pedagogical analysis of democratic transformations in education in independent Ukraine
Olena Ohienko (Sumy)

A historic experience shows that transition to a new way of development is always accompanied by revision of principles and renewal of the state policy in education. In the conditions of the post-communist transformation of the society, democratization of education is an important component of formation and development of democracy in Ukraine. Reconstruction of the educational system of Ukraine is based on the following democratic principles: a principle of equal opportunities, which envisages equality of all members of the society with regard to the education, its accessibility irrespective of social or ethnic status, gender, ethnic or other differences; a principle of decentralization - broadening of the powers of local bodies in dealing with issues of education, self-governance; a principle of openness which ensures a freedom of choice, consequence of all levels of education; a variativity principle, which means diversity of educational establishments of different forms of property, education programs, content, forms and methods of studying; humanization principles as a recognition of the value of a person, a human right to free development and manifestation of abilities; a principle of continuity - improvement of each person throughout all his or her life. These principles of democratization of education are inter-related and correlated. A comparative pedagogic analysis of some aspects of democratization of education for the last ten years proves that the education system of Ukraine has significantly changed, which was caused by the transition from a strict centralized system to an aspiration for creating conditions and opportunities for each educational establishment, each teacher or student to reveal their abilities and capacities. A lot has been done in this direction, but the real democratization of education is still ahead.


Resolving the problem of academic freedom in the Ukrainian universities in 1990s.
Yuri Rarog (Kharkiv)

Broad-scale transformations in the Ukrainian society in the late 1980s - early 1990s inevitably influenced the higher education. On author's view, in the whole complex of topical issues which required an urgent solution, development of the academic freedom in universities was the most painful. This issue is still painful due to the absence of the deep democratic traditions in the higher school, as for the 70 years the soviet higher school was dominated by authoritarian methods of management. At the same time, the reform of the education in general is impossible without democratization of the higher schools.

Unfortunately, this problem remains still unsolved, despite the fact that attempts to conduct certain reformation have been made for the last ten years. In this paper the author studies a topicality of introduction of academic freedoms in Ukrainian universities. The main focus is placed on the following topics:

Development of the self-governance of the higher educational establishments;
Improvement of the internal structure of universities;
Increasing the status of professors and teachers.

Describing these problems, the author will analyze in the historical prospective the development of the reform of the system of management of universities, how the rights of universities, their relations with the central and local authorities were changing. The author studies the changes in approaches to the solution of this question depending on development of the political processes in Ukraine.

In addition, a special attention was given to a progress of improvement of the internal structure of higher educational establishments, introduction of the principle of appointment by election, broadening of a scope of rights of divisions and individual teachers in their scientific and pedagogic activities, in governing of the university, which is the most important component of the democratic process.

A logical conclusion to the analysis of this problem will be to consider changes in the social status of the university personnel which have taken place for the last 10 years. Concluding the research, the author traces a correlation between the solution of a problem of academic freedom and a status of the higher school in Ukraine.


Tried as well as we could, but… is there still a chance?
Oleksandr Tyahlo (Kharkiv)

A paper analyzes a process of development, discussion and elaboration of the Draft National Doctrine of Development of Education of Ukraine in the 21st Century, as well as some other main components of its content as an interesting indicator of development of the national educational system and the society in general.
A content of the Doctrine and events around it reflect those contradictions and flaws which are inherent to the whole Ukrainian society. A belief into a creative power of state officials is not overwhelmed yet; negative consequences of this situation are usually aggravated by manifestations of the utopian thinking in its mass and conservation of the old algorithms of activity; excessive dependence of officials of different levels of the (educational) authorities on a galloping political situation and so on. These obstacles are impossible to be overwhelmed "overnight", as they are rooted not only in laws and traditions, but in the Ukrainian mentality.
At the same time, the Doctrine contains a number of perspective innovations. The most principal of them is a proclamation of a transition to the humanist innovative paradigm of education; a formulation of a task of a synthesis of the national and civil education looks topical and well-grounded. A general problem here is in a transition from declarations to their practical implementation, for instance, to organization of the holistic democracy-oriented process of the national and civil education.



Panel 12. Civic education


The development and teaching of political science in Ukraine as an indicator of democratic education.
Oleg Gabrielian (Simferopol)

A process of democratization of the society is systemic and covers all aspects of the social life. A monitoring of this process in the state can be conducted both by certain macro indices, and by special indicators. The society faced a real task of implementing systemic democratic changes through the method of local transformations. Evidently, a general strategy of the state reforming is necessary. It should be worked out in details in local programs, and it should have a mechanism of implementation. Accumulation of local transformations will lead to the qualitative changes in general.

A reform in the higher school should be conducted by this scheme. It is important to take into account that all spheres of its activity should transform, in particular, development and teaching of the political science in Ukraine. However, it is impossible not to touch all that which provides a context to this process. It is the society in general with its social order for professional, a system of education, a system of academic and public institutes which are in this or that way related with this process. Here, it is possible to set indicators and take "measurements" which would allow, with a certain grade of reliability, to determine a level of democratization of education in the state.

Socio-political and economic changes determined the demand for politologists. This is proved also by a growing competition for this specialization on entrance to universities. This index can serve as an indicator of democratization of education.

Another interesting fact is further existence of academic structures without a real system of the competitive financing of their projects and programs through the state and other grants. In fact, the real competitive relations have not become a norm of either academic or educational sphere, and where such attempts took place, they degenerated. Evidently, this may be taken as an indicator of democratization of the educational process.
A system of licensing is not only far from being perfect, but is defective in principle, because what is being certified (licensed) is an ability of a university to prepare certain professionals, but not a result of the university's activity. And this circumstance can also serve as an indicator of the democratization process.

Analysis of changes in the faculty, research topics and dissertations defended in politology, organization and content of the educational process, professional self-organization of professors - these are those real indicators which allow making conclusions on the process of democratization of the higher education system in the state.


On the character and particularities of the development of civic education in schools and universities of Ukraine
Victor Goriachev (Dnipropetrovsk)

The author deals with a broad range of notions related to the analysis and comprehension of the character of transformations with regard to the development of the system of civil education in schools and universities of Ukraine which took place for the last ten years. Basing on his own rich experience of pedagogic activity and results of socio-psychological studies in pupils, students and teachers, the author gives interesting examples, generalizations, forecasts possible ways of further development and formation of the system of civil education and upbringing in the Ukrainian schools and universities.

The author uses a non-ordinary approach to the issues of rational and effective use of practice experience of developed democracies, a combination of the existing problems on formation of democratic culture of youth with the value acquisitions of the family.

In general, an analytical and prognostic survey conducted by the author allows better orientation in a broad circle of psychological and pedagogic problems with regard to the increasing role of the civil education in further humanization and democratization of the educational process in schools and universities of Ukraine, to determine priority ways of further development.


The introduction of civic education in Ukrainian schools
Lyudmyla Dukh (Kharkiv)

Ukraine is still in the initial phase of the civil society formation. Special expectations in this connection are related with formation of the civil and democratic values in the rising generation. A contemporary educational process is insufficiently targeted on formation of democratic outlook; a gap is evident between the theoretical knowledge our students receive and the everyday social practice. Lack of readiness to comprehend a new system of requirements, a new content of education and intellectual exercise, in particular, an independent search for information, inability to study in new social and economic conditions or to construct one's own self-realization, is a typical phenomenon.

A course "Civil education" for forms 9, 10 and 11 was developed during 2001 and recommended by the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine. The paper describes peculiarities and problems of formation of the course.

A task of the civil education is to form outlook orientations of the individual, to develop his or her own life philosophy, self-identification and self-realization in the economic, social, cultural, political and legal spheres, to form motivation and core skills necessary for responsible participation in public and political processes, critical and constructive attitude of youth to the social life, orientation on the positive social actions, fostering tolerance, pluralism, multiculturalism, humanism.


The place of local governance in civic education: Canada and Ukraine
Ihor Koziura (Kyiv)

An article deals with an issue of the role of the local governance in forming the fundament of the civil society in Ukraine. On the example of Canada, the USA and other countries, an author describes an international experience, the status and prospects of development of the civic education, teaching principles of the local governance to students, development of corresponding resource materials. Specific recommendations targeted at implementation of project of youth participation in the development of the democratic local governance and the Program of the State Support to the Development of Local Governance in Ukraine are suggested.


The democratization of higher education
Olha Melnychuk (Vinnytsya)

The article is dedicated to the study of a problem of formation and development of democratization of the higher education in Ukraine. An importance of this process for formation of the outlook of future generations, preservation of Ukraine's independence, is stressed.

An author analyzes fundamental normative and legal acts which determined main legal principles and laid a fundament of democratization of the higher education. The author note that in the current conditions, universities can independently decide some questions of the educational, scientific, research, methodical or economic activity. A series of radical innovations implemented by the state to create an open and democratic educational system, which better guarantees a constitutional right for higher education, is indicated.
At the same time, undecided problems of methodical, organizational character, still faced by the higher education, are stressed.

The author emphasizes a need to continue and ensure a process of democratization of education, which has already started in Ukraine.


Some aspects of introduction of civic education in Ukraine's universities
Stepan Svorak, Valerii Shtern (Ivano-Frankivsk)

A paper highlights certain aspects of introduction of the experimental foundation course on democracy into a schedule of the specialization "Politology". Authors emphasize that a full course allows integrating culturological, politological and philosophic knowledge, forms skills of using them in practice in students. The next form of introduction of the civic education in both secondary schools and universities is filling of such university subjects as history, law, sociology, etc., with a content of the civic education.

An approbation of the knowledge gained is illustrated by the activity of the student political clubs; experience of one of them is generalized in this paper.


Civil society: educational democracy and democratization of education (coordinates of social modelling)
Andrii Semenov (Lutsk)

This paper is targeted at revealing topical problems of multi-dimensionality of modern democratic education through a prism of the global and particular variations, transformation of the socio-humanitarian policy and education in Ukraine.

An important place belongs to an analysis of the socio-anthrop dimensions of the civil society in Europe and Ukraine, its anthropologic, social and economic principles, development of the forms of civil humanism as integrative ways of civil identification and international solidarity.

It is noted that especially prospective are issues of educational cycles and modules for a new group of the Ukrainian youth, socially oriented towards the international practice of free self-determination of an individual, recognition of rights of the personality, prolongation of the ethics of the social responsibility