Col Trevor Teller will provide an insider’s perspective on his time as the Director Western Hemisphere Policy in the Department of National Defence Policy Group from 2019-2021. As one of the many stakeholders during the pandemic, he was involved in the whole of government response to the crisis. The discussion will focus on the development of policy to support the DND/CAF response to the whole of government effort, the April 2020 Comprehensive Request for Assistance authorization that was granted by the Minister to the CAF in order to assist other government departments and organizations in their pandemic response, and the subsequent activities, policy evolution and considerations that can be linked to the delegated authorization.

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notes for this event:

• This In-Person event will be under 'Chatham House Rule', no recordings or video will be available.
• Registration is required to attend and is limited to 35 attendees.
• Brown Bag - No food or drink will be provided, but you are welcome to bring something to the event.

In 2012, after spending a year at each the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC) Kingston and the Canadian Forces College, Col Teller was promoted and posted to 1 Wing Headquarters, Kingston as the A3/Wing Operations Officer. In 2013 he was appointed as the 1 Wing Chief of Staff, a position he held for two years. Lieutenant-Colonel Teller assumed command of 408 Tactical Helicopter Squadron and returned to active flying duty in July of 2015, a position held until the summer of 2017. Following six months of second language training post-command, he deployed to Kuwait as the Air Task Force - Iraq Commander from July 2018 to March 2019. Following his return home and promotion in July 2019, he was appointed as the Director of Western Hemisphere Policy within the Department of National Defence Policy Group. Col Teller joined the Queens University Visiting Defence Fellow Program for the 2021-22 academic year. (click here for more on Col. Teller)

Canada’s embrace of the need for western collective defence against the Soviet Union under American leadership lead Ottawa to play an active role in the initial discussions leading to the establishment of NATO and to make a significant military contribution to allied forces in Europe in the 1950s. In the decades that followed, Ottawa was beset with a series of domestic and external challenges to its place and contributions to the Alliance. Through all the controversy, Canada remained anxious to retain its place in the allied military structure and its seat at the table in allied councils. Nevertheless, by the late 1980s, it seemed that all Canada had to offer its allies was a military and politically insignificant bare presence in Germany. The end the of the Cold War would, ironically, led to a renaissance of Canada’s place and significance in NATO with deployments and combat operations in Balkans followed by the post 9/11 contributions to the allied forces in Afghanistan. After the Russian take-over of Crimea and in response to U.S. President Trump’s criticism of NATO, Canada leaned forward, not by increasing defence expenditures, but deploying forces to Latvia and contributing to training missions in Ukraine, in other words by supporting the Alliance in the very activities which have now brought a threatening Russian response. While noteworthy, these efforts have not been onerous until now as Canada’s “easy riding” approach to NATO is being tested again.

Italy and NATO in the 21st century: still a formidable partnership? 

More than three decades since the crumbling of the Soviet bloc, NATO continues to be perceived by most of Italy’s political forces as an indispensable political and security bastion against the threats of regional instability and conflict. Although in recent years, economic stagnation and popular discontent have called into question outright support for European integration, Italy’s commitment to NATO has remained rock solid. Rather, an increasingly volatile international scenario and the slow development of the European Union’s CSDP have further strengthened the Alliance’s importance for Italian security. In the current strategic scenario, Rome’s concerns are focused on an arc of crisis stretching from the Mediterranean toward the Near East and the Gulf region and which might weld with instability in the Balkans, Ukraine, and the Caucasus. Persisting economic problems, the uncertain trajectory of the CSDP, and the growing assertiveness of revisionist powers, particularly Russia and Turkey, make far too evident for Italy the centrality of the Alliance and of its bilateral bond with the US. Nonetheless, while NATO remains the only multilateral security provider capable of effectively keeping in check the ambitions of other powers and preserving stability in the broader Mediterranean region, in the 21st century NATO’s ongoing relevance for Italy will depend on its ability of balancing its Eastern and Southern dimensions and of securing Rome a seat at the table when decisions affecting European security are taken. 

Speakers:

Disscussant:

War, Law and Business:
A conversation about corporate responsibility in international humanitarian law and what the business and human rights dialogue is missing

In today’s globalised economy it is common for companies – their personnel, assets, supply chains and customers – to be present in areas of the world affected by armed conflict. No longer are these environments dominated by militaries and armed groups, but also private individuals with their own roles, rights and responsibilities. The business and human rights dialogue has recently shifted some of the focus to the increased risk of business-related human rights abuses in armed conflict, and the need for heighted action on the part of corporate actors in these contexts. However, little attention is paid to the unique and universally-accepted set of rules that apply in situations of armed conflict – international humanitarian law (IHL).

For the past four years, Australian Red Cross and RMIT University have worked together to help familiarise Australian businesses with IHL. Also known as the laws of war, IHL provides minimum standards of humanity that must be observed by anyone directly or inadvertently caught up in armed conflict. Companies that breach the rules of IHL – or help others to do so – aside from the harm to human life, may face reputational damage, financial loss and legal accountability against the company and its leaders. Taking the necessary steps towards understanding and implementing IHL will not only help businesses mitigate these risks but, more importantly, help to ensure corporations play their part in creating better humanitarian outcomes for communities experiencing war.

Join us for this conversation about corporate responsibility in conflict settings and learn how current and future leaders – in business, but also in other fields – can use IHL and the innovative guidance tools and educational experiences we have developed to lead in a more ethical and sustainable way.

Speakers

Co-Moderator

Relevant links:

Australian Red Cross – “Business and International Humanitarian Law Hub”

RMIT’s Business and Human Rights Centre

Great Power Competition in the Western Indian Ocean Region,
and what the U.S. needs to do to preserve its position of relative dominance

LTC(P) Chad M. Pillai
U.S. Army Visiting Defence Fellow

The United States faces compound security dilemmas globally, causing a scenario where the U.S. may have more rivals that it can manage, as Hal Brands recently wrote. As the U.S. prioritizes its national security and defense strategies, it seeks to implement its delayed “Asia Pivot” to compete against China. However, while the U.S. is pivoting towards the Pacific, China moves westward into the Western Indian Ocean region to secure the vital sea lines of communications (SLOCs) to its critical energy, mineral, and agriculture resources. The potential military dominance of the Chinese in the Western Indian Ocean could result in China coercing U.S. allies in Europe and Far East Asia by disrupting the free flow of commerce (energy and trade goods). Such a scenario threatens the U.S. position as the defender of the global commons in an area vital to the global economy. The lecture will offer ideas on how the U.S. can retain its dominant position while accounting for the increased number of threats to its interests.

 

Lieutenant Colonel Chad M. Pillai is an Army Strategist serving as the U.S. Visiting Defence Fellow (VDF) at CIDP. Previously, he served as the Deputy Director, Commander’s Action Group (CAG), and as a Joint Strategic Planner in the Strategy, Plans, and Policy Directorate (J5) at U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) from 2018-2021. From 2014-2018, he served as the Deputy Director for Strategy, Plans, and Policy (J5) and Command Strategist for U.S. Special Operations Command – Central (SOCCENT), a Joint Sub-Unified Special Operations Command to CENTCOM and U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM). (more on LTC(P) Chad M. Pillai)

The Centre for International and Defence Policy is one of the collaborating partners for the Human Dimensions in Foreign Policy, Military Studies, and Security Studies Series at the McGill-Queen’s University Press. Six presenters will highlight their contributions to three books from this series:

Claire Cookson-Hills and Rob Engen for Why We Fight;

Vicki Woodside-Duggins and Colin Farrelly for Transhumanizing War;

Vanessa Brown for Culture and the Soldier.

The scope of topics covered by the presenters will offer a compelling insight into current research of global security in the twenty-first century and the human dimensions of war.